Deliberations in the Turkish parliament

2015 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 258-284
Author(s):  
Meltem Müftüler-Baç ◽  
Rahime Süleymanoğlu-Kürüm

Parliamentarians find themselves engaged in political struggle through the medium of language and constrained by their own rhetoric. These parliamentary debates reveal political perceptions. The external perceptions about the European Union emerge as a relatively understudied topic in political science. This brings forth the following question; how is the European Union and its foreign policy perceived externally? This paper focuses on one particular country, Turkey and the political deliberations within the Turkish Parliament, in order to assess the external perceptions of the EU. The paper analyzes the political debate in Turkey through an investigation of the proceedings of the Turkish Parliament, the legislature in Turkish politics, from 1998 to 2012. The proceedings in the Turkish Parliament enable us to analyze the different political camps’ positions by looking into their deliberations on the European foreign policy thoroughly. This analysis enables us to uncover the Turkish view on the European foreign policy.

Author(s):  
Necati Polat

This chapter provides an outline of the change that took place in Turkey between 2007 and 2011, signalling a historic shift in the use of power in the country, long controlled by a staunch and virtually autonomous bureaucracy, both military and civilian, and known as ‘the state’, in the face of the chronically fragile democratic politics, forming ‘the government’. The time-honoured identity politics of the very bureaucracy, centred on ‘Westernisation’ as a policy incentive, was deftly appropriated by the ruling AKP via newly tightened links with the European Union to transform the settled centre-periphery relations often considered to be pivotal to Turkish politics, and reconfigure access to power. The chapter details the gradual fall of the bureaucracy—that is, the military, the higher education, and the system of high courts—and recounts the basic developments in foreign policy and on the domestic scene during and immediately after the change.


Significance This is part of UN-facilitated talks to agree on a national unity government that would end the political power struggle driving Libya's civil war. Should a Government of National Accord be formed in Tripoli, its security would be uncertain as Libya lacks a unified security force that would be loyal to the state alone. This has raised questions in the European Union of whether a foreign stabilisation force may be necessary. Although appetite in European capitals for an intervention appears to be generally low, such a scenario cannot be ruled out altogether. Impacts Despite the UN Envoy's optimism, he must still win over the GNC before a consensus government is formed. A united administration would prefer to avoid a foreign force guarding it, even at the urging of key international actors. In the unlikely event that European troops are involved in such a force, there may be a risk of blowback attacks in Europe.


2019 ◽  
pp. 228-234
Author(s):  
Maksym Yakovliev

Ukrainians demonstrate an intense interest in the domestic and foreign policy of their country, as well as in what is going in geopolitical processes. Social and political discourse in Ukraine is highly politicised which results in a great variety of lexical elements found in everyday publications and discussions. There are many political terminoids, politological quasiterms or quasitermini, political jargonisms, and pseudoterms of political realm that are extensively used both in Ukrainian and international discourse. Examples may vary from a term Trumpism, which bears a significant emotional load with pejorative connotations, to a more neutral term Thatcherism that became a part of political and economic reference books. Russian military aggression against Ukraine brought a new meaning to the terms Putinism, that resembles the term Hitlerism, as well as Rushism – a combination of Russia and fascism, which denotes an imperialist, chauvinist, aggressive, militant foreign policy of Russia, especially to its close neighbours. Different terms like that constitute a vibrant interdisciplinary field that is not paid sufficient attention to. This article suggests approaching analysis of pragmatics functions of these lexical elements by analysing their role in more general course of terminologisation of political and social discourse. A number of different examples of such lexemes are listed and their use is commented by placing them into a broader context of lexicological studies. In the English language tradition such lexemes are studies within the discipline of language for special purposes, in this case – the language of politics. The German terminological tradition speaks of Fachjargonismen and Halbtermini, the latter may be regarded as a sort of an equivalent to the concept of quasiterms used in our terminological studies. Some examples of pejorative and metaphorical lexical elements used in political discussions are also described and commented briefly, like the terms Porokhobot as an example of a pejorative terms used to describe those who support the president of Ukraine Mr. Poroshenko and his politics, or the terms related to the revolutionary events in Ukraine in 2014 – Euromaidan – a term widely used outside of Ukraine, together with the term Leninopad to describe the removal of the monuments of Lenin as a part of the policy of de-communisation. It is claimed that this terminology allows broader public to participate in political discussions since it simplifies the discourse but also sets some terms of reference for placing opponents and proponents of certain political actors, ideologies, or parties according to lexical delimitation lines. In the European Union those who criticize the policies of the Union and see a threat in the increased German influence go as far as to suggest a term Merkelreich to combine the name of the German Chancellor Angela Merkel and the German word Reich to imply a rather brutal reference to the Third Reich. On the other hand, such a term provides a great simplification to the discussion about the nature of political processes within the European Union. By comparing Germany’s economic potential in the common market to the imperialistic ambitions it also sets discursive boundaries for a certain type of political debate. It is also stated that such lexical elements can indicate a shift in political and social developments since such pseudoterms have potential to transform into full-fledged political science terms in the future. It might be the case the militant and aggressive foreign policy of today’s Russia would one day named Putinism and become part of university textbooks in politics. As it is almost impossible to predict the future of a particular quasiterm, it is suggested that the current process of nomination of terms within the socio-political discourse should be studied with a particular attention. Some discursive practices may reveal the mechanisms behind the logic of how certain terms are used. For example, a political expert or a political scientist would hesitate to use a terminoid with pejorative connotations in official lecture or in a peer-reviewed article, but he or she can use it in an emotionally heated discussion or, with some reservations, even on a TV-show. These terms are all around and the ways and rules of their application should be paid more attention to. The article concludes that these elements should be researched from an interdisciplinary perspective.


2020 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 438-447
Author(s):  
Anatoly V. Tsvyk ◽  
Konstantin P. Kurylev

This article examines the notion of a Greater Europe in Russian foreign policy from the 1990s to the present. The idea developed as the Russian government sought to establish its national and civilizational identy in the wake of the USSRs dissolution. At the turn of the 21st century, Moscow embraced the idea of a rapprochement with the rest of Europe. Pursuing the notion of Greater Europe, to create a single continental economic, political and cultural space, became a major diplomatic objective as it developed a strategic partnership with the European Union. However, in more recent years its outlook on the world has changed. Furthermore, after relations with Brussels deteriorated in the wake of the Ukrainian crisis and the latters imposition of sanctions has also affected Russian foreign policy. This article considers the emergence and evolution of the idea of a Greater Europe, and examines possible ways to realize this ambition. It argues that a EAEU-EU combination could become a basis for implementing this concept. However, any potential rapprochement can only be possible when the political barriers the EU established in its relations with Russia and the EAEU are removed.


2000 ◽  
Vol 69 (4) ◽  
pp. 513-522
Author(s):  

AbstractThe need for a comprehensive reform of Finland's four laws of constitution has been discussed since the late 1960s. As a consequence of several substantial changes to the old constitutional laws and the political consensus to move the system of governance in a more parliamentary direction, a new Constitution was drafted during the 1990s and adopted by the Parliament in 1999. Finland's new Constitution integrates constitutional provisions into a single Constitution, and reduces the constitutional powers of the president of the republic. The new Constitution increases parliamentary control in foreign policy. It requires the president to co-operate with the government when directing Finland's foreign policy. It also requires acceptance by the Parliament of a wider range of international obligations. The system for the national organisation of matters concerning the European Union adopted in connection with Finland's accession to the Union in 1995 has also been confirmed by the Constitution, with the government and the Parliament being the main actors in that field.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Frau

This book analyses the legality of the Brexit agreement under European Union law. While the political debate has been highly publicised in recent months, a legal analysis was always lacking. This legal analysis deals with the interpretation and application of the draft withdrawal agreement, the ECJ’s responsibilities, EU citizenship for British citizens after Brexit, the framework within which British authorities can apply EU law, creating laws after Brexit as well as the law on movement of goods and customs. This monograph compares the agreement with other manifestations of integration and association throughout the European Union, and it deals with the ECJ’s jurisprudence extensively. Last but not least, it applies the agreement to the external economic law of the EU. Beyond Brexit, the monograph proposes a framework for the application of EU law by a non-member state.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Markus Warasin

European politics is more polarised than ever. The former lack of conflict over EU policy decisions is being replaced by a lack of consensus. The agreements reached in Brussels are increasingly contentious, the European institutions seem increasingly fragmented and European political debate has become increasingly controversial. The asymmetric politicisation of the European Union has manifold manifestations that produce not only negative but also positive criticism, and not only resistance against but also support for the political system. If politicisation is not only understood as an obstacle to integration, but seen as having the potential to promote integration, the somewhat outdated drivers of European integration dynamics and policymaking, namely ‘deepening’ and ‘widening’, could be replaced or at least complemented by the new driver of ‘politicisation’.


Author(s):  
S.A. Shein

The “populist wave” in the EU member states is no longer a phenomenon isolated in domestic politics. It has a projection on the sphere of foreign policy of national states and the European Union. The article aims to “shed light” on the barriers arising on the way of conceptualizing and typologizing the foreign policy orientations of populist actors, relying on an ideological approach to populism. The study revealed that the main constraints for the conceptualization and typologization of populists' foreign policy are the fragmented nature of populism as an ideology, the limited ability to translate their attitudes into the political course, and gradual mainstreamization after coming to power.


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 81-83
Author(s):  
Gianni Vattimo ◽  
Santiago Zabala

Even though the European Union was created to avoid new wars within the continent and promote social integration, it has never questioned its political horizon. This is why legal scholars are continuously reminding us that until our constitution is ratified, the Union will continue to lack the political debate that is at the center of any mature democracy. But if the Union has now reached a new record of unpopularity it is because of this general neutering of politics, which allows technocrats to prevail over politicians and indifference over democracy. The logic behind our thesis is not that countries cannot leave the Union but that doing so would create more harm than staying. However, this does not imply there is no alternative; quite the contrary, a profound resistance to the Union has not only been discussed but also practiced throughout Europe. Author(s): Gianni Vattimo and Santiago Zabala Title (English): How to Weaken the EU Frame Journal Reference: Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Summer 2015) Publisher: Institute of Social Sciences and Humanities – Skopje  Page Range: 81-83 Page Count: 3 Citation (English): Gianni Vattimo and Santiago Zabala, “How to Weaken the EU Frame,” Identities: Journal for Politics, Gender and Culture, Vol. 11, No. 1 (Summer 2015): 81-83.


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