“We” in the EU: (De) legitimizing power relations and status

Author(s):  
Camelia Beciu ◽  
Mirela Lazăr

Abstract The article analyzes how the leaders and the candidates of the main parties in Romania built a European field of power and subject positions in the context of the 2019 European elections. We adopt the premise that the (re) positioning of these politicians towards the EU is part of their ongoing strategies of (de) legitimization. In this respect, the study focuses on how they assign themselves a “European authority” in relation to audiences through their positioning as actors in the field. On the basis of a mainly critically discursive methodological framework, we analyze a corpus consisting of electoral messages on Facebook. The research reveals the ways in which the political actors build claims, representations and positionings about the EU through naturalizing (a) symmetric relations, statuses, and symbolic power hierarchies.

2007 ◽  
Vol 41 (10) ◽  
pp. 1349-1370 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip Manow ◽  
Holger Döring

Voters who participate in elections to the European Parliament (EP) apparently use these elections to punish their domestic governing parties. Many students of the EU therefore claim that the party—political composition of the Parliament should systematically differ from that of the EU Council. This study shows that opposed majorities between council and parliament may have other than simply electoral causes. The logic of domestic government formation works against the representation of more extreme and EU-skeptic parties in the Council, whereas voters in EP elections vote more often for these parties. The different locations of Council and Parliament are therefore caused by two effects: a mechanical effect—relevant for the composition of the Council—when national votes are translated into office and an electoral effect in European elections. The article discusses the implications of this finding for our understanding of the political system of the EU and of its democratic legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Kees van Kersbergen ◽  
Bertjan Verbeek

Since the Maastricht Treaty (1993), subsidiarity has guided the political process surrounding the distribution of competences between administrative layers in the European Union (EU). The EU’s subsidiarity regime affects the politics and governance of the EU, because the notion of subsidiarity allows for continuous negotiation over its practical use. The constant battle over subsidiarity implies that the notion changes its meaning over time and alters the power relations between different actors within the EU. Since the Lisbon Treaty (2009), subsidiarity has mainly strengthened the position of member states at the expense of the Commission.


2015 ◽  
pp. 26-46 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kamil Ławniczak

“Taking ideas seriously” means not only to consider their causal and constitutive role in the study of social phenomena, but also to analyse how and why certain ideas gain or lose prominence within political institutions and discourses. One approach to these issues builds upon the notion of policy paradigms, which influence the results of policy-making process by shaping the political actors’ understanding of problems that need to be solved and limiting available policy options. This article attempts to show how the ability to modernise the EU governance within the paradigm of European integration heading towards “an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe” has been called into question by the crisis which began in 2008. Two potential new paradigms of integration are considered: first one suggests controlled disintegration and differentiation of EU structures, second one proposes a reinterpretation of federalism as a way to reconsolidate the Union.


2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-53
Author(s):  
Moses M. Adagbabiri

Politics, power, and authority are concepts in political science that have to elude precise description or apt definition because of the divergent views of the layman, scholar and the political analysts on the issue of politics, what power connotes and how authority is consti-tutionally recognized as legitimate or rightful by individuals or group. The obvious thing among these terms is the striking and often shared relationship that exist between and among them. While politics exist to pursue power, power is sought to exercise authority and pursue an interest which can either be narrowly or broadly defined in a constitutional democracy. Thus, the thrust of this paper is to assess the nitty-gritty of politics, power, and authority in Nigeria from 2015 to date with reference to constitutional and leadership roles of political actors, elected representatives and power relations among the three organs of government in a constitutional democracy. Finally, the paper recommends among others that there is a need for enlightenment program on executive – legislature relations, a col-laboration between the executive and the legislature, effective observation of the principle of separation of powers and effective oversight functions and independence of the legisla-ture and its leadership.


2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
Angeliki Koukoutsaki-Monnier

This paper focuses on the argumentative approaches and the rhetorical strategies employed by political actors in France in favour of or against the EU Constitutional Treaty (TCE), as they appeared in four French daily newspapers, Le Monde, Le Figaro, Libération and Aujourd’hui en France (national edition of Le Parisien), before the 29th of May 2005 referendum. In a qualitative discourse analysis and with the aid of argumentation theories and political communication approaches, the study investigates how the European Union’s Constitution, identity and future were represented and discussed by French political actors through the media in their effort to obtain public adherence before the referendum. Inevitably, the role of the media and the mediation process in the construction and transcription of the political discourse is also discussed.


Südosteuropa ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 67 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-433
Author(s):  
Luminita Gatejel ◽  
Adrian Grama

Abstract Between January and June 2019 Romania managed the rotating presidency of the European Union, the first of a trio to be followed by Finland and Croatia. This commentary takes stock of Romania’s trajectory over the last few years and offers a broad overview of the country’s economy and politics. Where does Romania stand today, more than a decade since it joined the European Union? In the first part, the authors sketch the recent evolution of Romania’s economy which has been marked by high growth but overall modest increases in wages, and tight labour markets. In the second part they turn to politics, in particular to the realignment of the political spectrum following the European elections of May 2019. They conclude by pointing out some of the problems that are likely to confront both Bucharest and Brussels in the near future.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (87) ◽  
pp. 64-85
Author(s):  
Sima Rakutienė ◽  
Ingrida Unikaitė-Jakuntavičienė

This article examines the problem of legitimacy within the EU political system and focuses on the political power and recognition of the only one directly elected EU institution – the European Parliament. Historically, being the weaker house of the EU legislative system, throughout the last decades, the European Parliament has increased the political authority dramatically. These political changes should have risen the participation of the EU citizens in the elections and the legitimacy of this EU institution. Analysing the Lithuanian case, based on the qualitative interviewing of politicians and quantitative survey of citizens, the authors claim that while most of Lithuanians recognise the significance of the European Parliament and the turnout in the European elections has increased, the European Parliamentary elections remain, however, of secondary importance.


Significance The political impact of the European Parliament (EP) election is yet to be felt in most of Central Europe (CE), but in Poland, Prime Minister Mateusz Morawiecki has responded to his party’s better-than-expected result with a cabinet reshuffle. Well-entrenched governments in Poland and Hungary have reaffirmed their domestic dominance, but in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, the results revealed political and fiscal weaknesses. Impacts Right-wing governments in Hungary and Poland will look to build on the political momentum gained domestically from the EP elections. The Czech Republic may experience more political and fiscal instability in the near term. Tensions with the Commission are unlikely to abate soon, despite CE’s greater economic and political integration with the rest of the EU.


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 16 (6(63)) ◽  
pp. 27-42
Author(s):  
Magdalena Góra

The main aim of the article is to answer the question of how the involvement ofthe European Union (EU) in its immediate neighbourhood, and in particular the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), is perceived by American foreignpolicy experts. What aspects of EU activities are assessed positively, and which are the most controversial? Particular attention is paid to the key challenges that the EU has been facing in recent years – the Ukrainian crisis and the political consequences of the so-called Arab Spring of 2011, with a special focus on migration pressure in the Mediterranean region. The analysis focuses how EU roles are perceived by American political actors. As the most important international actor, the views of the United States regarding the EU’s activity have a significant influence on what the EU does. The study is based on interviews conducted with experts and political actors of American foreign policy in 2015 and 2016.


2016 ◽  
pp. 28-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tomasz Grzegorz Grosse

The purpose of the article is to assess the extent to which it has been possible to overcome the crisis situation in the economic and political/systemic dimension in Europe. The events of the crisis in the Eurozone mobilised the national and European elites to respond above all with respect to the economic situation. But in part, the changes concerned also the political dimension or precipitated consequences of a systemic character (related to the mechanisms of European integration). Some ideas were only discussed and did not gain practical implementation due to differing opinions and interests among the leading political actors, above all the EU member states. As a result, the crisis was overcome to a partial or incomplete extent both in the economic and political respect.


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