The political potential of multi-accentuality in the exhibition title ‘gastarbajteri’

2007 ◽  
Vol 6 (3) ◽  
pp. 437-457
Author(s):  
Martina Böse ◽  
Brigitta Busch
Keyword(s):  
Ethnographic Study ◽  
The Other ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Labour Migration ◽  
The Political ◽  
Two Agents ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Title Word ◽  
The City

This article explores the multi-accentuality of the sign ‘gastarbajteri’, used as title word in an exhibition on labour migration that took place in Vienna, Austria, in 2004. Based on an ethnographic study of the exhibition, it addresses a variety of readings of this word, both at the level of production and reception. The analysis of texts shows, firstly, the divergent rationales of the two agents who cooperated as exhibition producers, the minority NGO who wished to signal self-empowerment of migrants on the hand and the city museum who aimed at selling the exhibition to a mainstream audience on the other hand. Secondly, it juxtaposes them with the plurality of readings by its recipients, which range from the recognition of an appeal to migrants via the mis-reading as ‘guestworker’ and its upvaluation through to an insider-perspective based on the knowledge of the word’s connotations in the former Yugoslavia.

Rytuały w przestrzeni politycznej na przykładzie Ustki

2019 ◽  
Vol XV ◽  
pp. 125-140
Author(s):  
Maciej Rogulski
Keyword(s):  
State Power ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Space ◽  
Local Dimension ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Subject ◽  
The City

Rituals are of great importance in politics at every level. Rituals bind society and strengthen their identity. Besides rituals strengthen attach-ment to culture, land and state power. On the other hand state power increases legitimacy by performing respected rituals. There are many interesting ways to classify rituals in the literature on the subject. For the purpose of showing rituals in the political space of the city of Ustka, it seems appropriate to distinguish above all the rituals of a national char-acter and those of a local dimension. In the case concept of the ritual, however, there are no final divisions, and the boundaries that divide them are certainly not impassable.

Sweetness in an Age Caught between Anti-Stoic Regret and Sisyphurian Cynicism

Matatu ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 51 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-208
Author(s):  
Fredrick Mbogo
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Study ◽  
Role Play ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Arena ◽  
Political Decision ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The City

Abstract This paper makes a comparative study of the dialogue found in John Sibi-Okumu’s Role Play with that in Francis Imbuga’s Betrayal in the City. It stems from the claim that both plays situate characters in spaces, through their dialogue, where escape becomes vital. Essentially, the paper focuses on characters either in regret, as Mzee in Role Play, or seeped in an urgency of correcting mistakes made within the political arena, as is the case in conversations between Mosese and Jere in Betrayal in the City. Mzee thinks himself a failure, an individual who has stood by as political decision after another have led to the mess he now finds his countrymen in. On the other hand, Mosese and Jere are in a dialogue that at first seems to suggest a Sisyphurian kind of cynicism, but which morphs into a kind of exhortation for action against oppressing circumstances. The question then is whether a director’s possible interpretation can capture the depth of Mzee’s agony while delivering an aesthetic presentation or whether as in the case of Imbuga’s Mosese and Jere, the mood swings from cynicism to agitation can muzzle the dulce, or sweetness, of the presentation.

STUDY OF ORNAMENTS IN HUNTO SULTAN AMAY MOSQUE GORONTALO

ARTic ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 4 ◽  
pp. 167-176
Author(s):  
Risti Puspita Sari Hunowu
Keyword(s):  
Qualitative Method ◽  
The Other ◽  
Visual Form ◽  
Research Material ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The World ◽  
Existing Form ◽  
The City ◽  
Dutch Colonial

This research is aimed at studying the Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque located in Gorontalo City. Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque is the oldest mosque in the city of Gorontalo The Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque was built as proof of Sultan Amay's love for a daughter and is a representation of Islam in Gorontalo. Researchers will investigate the visual form of the Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque which was originally like an ancient mosque in the archipelago. can be seen from the shape of the roof which initially used an overlapping roof and then converted into a dome as well as mosques in the world, we can be sure the Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque uses a dome roof after the arrival of Dutch Colonial. The researcher used a qualitative method by observing the existing form in detail from the building of the mosque with an aesthetic approach, reviewing objects and selecting the selected ornament giving a classification of the shapes, so that the section became a reference for the author as research material. Based on the analysis of this thesis, the form  of the Hunto Sultan Amay mosque as well as the mosques located in the archipelago and the existence of ornaments in the Hunto Sultan Amay Mosque as a decorative structure support the grandeur of a mosque. On the other hand, Hunto Mosque ornaments reveal a teaching. The form of a teaching is manifested in the form of motives and does not depict living beings in a realist or naturalist manner. the decorative forms of the Hunto Sultan Sultan Mosque in general tend to lead to a form of flora, geometric ornaments, and ornament of calligraphy dominated by the distinctive colors of Islam, namely gold, white, red, yellow and green.

РоссияиАвстро-Венгрияв1917г.:дватипареволюции.Поматериаламроссийскойпрессы

2019 ◽  
pp. 78-103
Author(s):  
S.A. Romanenko
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Left Flank ◽  
Daily Press ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Spectrum

The article is devoted to the analysis of representations about AustriaHungary in Russia in political and publicists societies including Bolsheviks, Social Democrats, liberals (cadets), as well as MFA analysts from February to October. On the basis of the materials on foreign policy and the correlation of revolution and world war, from Russian daily press and journalists, which have not been studied before, the author comes to the conclusion that the representatives of the left flank of the political spectrum had neither information nor conceptually built ideas about the situation in AustriaHungary, about the perspectives for the development of revolutionary processes in the multinational state and its direction and aims. On the other hand, this was also largely characteristic of the moods of the AustroHungarian politicians, whether progovernment or opposition,Статья посвящена анализу представлений об АвстроВенгрии в России в политических и публицистических обществахв том числе большевиков, социалдемократов, либералов (кадетов), а также аналитиков МИД с февраля по октябрь. На основе материалов по внешней политике и соотношение революции и мировой войны, из российской ежедневной прессы и журналистов, которые до этого не изучались, автор приходит к выводу, что представители левого фланга политического спектра не имели ни информации, ни концептуально выстроенных представлений о ситуации в АвстроВенгрии, о перспективах развития революционных процессов в многонациональном государстве и его направленности, а также о том, что они не могли цели. С другой стороны, это было также в значительной степени характерно для настроений австровенгерских политиков, будь то проправительственные или оппозиционные, для которых цели национального движения уже в 1917 году играли гораздо большую роль, чем для русских. Для сравнительного анализа на основе архивных материалов приводятся позиции Министерства иностранных дел (Временного правительства) и Петроградского Совета.

A utopia do direito à cidade: Possibilidades de superação da dicotomia favela-bairro no Rio de Janeiro

GEOgraphia ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 7 (14) ◽  
Author(s):  
Márcio Piñon de Oliveira
Keyword(s):  
Rio De Janeiro ◽  
The Other ◽  
Right To The City ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Right ◽  
The City

A utopia do direito à cidade,  no  caso específico do Rio de Janeiro, começa, obrigatoriamente, pela  superação da visão dicotômica favela-cidade. Para isso, é preciso que os moradores da favela possam sentir-se tão cidadãos quanto os que têm moradias fora das favelas. A utopia do direito à cidade tem de levar a favela a própria utopia da cidade. Uma cidade que não se fragmente em oposições asfalto-favela, norte-sul, praia-subúrbio e onde todos tenham direito ao(s) seu(s) centro(s). Oposições que expressam muito mais do que diferenças de  localização e que  se apresentam recheadas de  segregação, estereótipos e  ideologias. Por outro  lado, o direito a cidade, como possibilidade histórica, não pode ser pensado exclusivamente a partir da  favela. Mas as populações  que aí habitam guardam uma contribuição inestimável para  a  construção prática  desse direito. Isso porque,  das  experiências vividas, emergem aprendizados e frutificam esperanças e soluções. Para que a favela seja pólo de um desejo que impulsione a busca do direito a cidade, é necessário que ela  se  pense como  parte da história da própria cidade  e sua transformação  em metrópole.Abstract The right  to the city's  utopy  specifically  in Rio de Janeiro, begins by surpassing  the dichotomy approach between favela and the city. For this purpose, it is necessary, for the favela dwellers, the feeling of citizens as well as those with home outside the favelas. The right to the city's utopy must bring to the favela  the utopy to the city in itself- a non-fragmented city in terms of oppositions like "asphalt"-favela, north-south, beach-suburb and where everybody has right to their center(s). These oppositions express much more the differences of location and present  themselves full of segregation, stereotypes and ideologies. On  the other  hand, the right to  the city, as historical possibility, can not be thought  just from the favela. People that live there have a contribution for a practical construction of this right. 

Historical Writing in the Balkans

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulf Brunnbauer
Keyword(s):  
Freedom Of Expression ◽  
The Other ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Ethnic Cleansing ◽  
Historical Writing ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
The One ◽  
The Way

This chapter analyzes historiography in several Balkan countries, paying particular attention to the communist era on the one hand, and the post-1989–91 period on the other. When communists took power in Albania, Bulgaria, Romania, and Yugoslavia in 1944–5, the discipline of history in these countries—with the exception of Albania—had already been institutionalized. The communists initially set about radically changing the way history was written in order to construct a more ideologically suitable past. In 1989–91, communist dictatorships came to an end in Bulgaria, Romania, Yugoslavia, and Albania. Years of war and ethnic cleansing would ensue in the former Yugoslavia. These upheavals impacted on historiography in different ways: on the one hand, the end of communist dictatorship brought freedom of expression; on the other hand, the region faced economic displacement.

The Catholic Hierarchy in the Nicaraguan Revolution

1985 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 341-369 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philip J. Williams
Keyword(s):  
Structural Transformation ◽  
Urban Poor ◽  
The Other ◽  
Viable Alternative ◽  
The Political ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Rural And Urban ◽  
Political Implications ◽  
Nicaraguan Revolution ◽  
Clear Majority

The involvement of Christians in the Nicaraguan Revolution is a clear manifestation of the profound changes taking place within the Nicaraguan Church as a whole. While a clear majority of the clergy took a stand against the injustices of the Somoza regime, a smaller group of priests and religious demonstrated a more profound commitment to radical structural transformation of society. Although their efforts to organize andconcientizar1rural and urban poor had serious political implications – in fact, many joined the guerrilla as a result of the ‘radicalization of their faith’ – to these priests and religious the political solutions available to counter growing social injustices and government abuses were few: either fight or capitulate. The bishops, on the other hand, were cautious about the pace of change and rejected the violent option, choosing instead an intermediate path. Unfortunately, such an option proved futile in the case of Nicaragua, and finally the bishops justified armed revolution as a viable alternative to systematic repression.

Towards the Socratic Mission: Imitatio Socratis

2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 193-222
Author(s):  
Mathias G. Parding
Keyword(s):  
Psychological Climate ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
Political Associations ◽  
The One ◽  
Point Of Departure ◽  
The Church

Abstract It is known that Kierkegaard’s relation to politics was problematic and marked by a somewhat reactionary stance. The nature of this problematic relation, however, will be shown to lie in the tension between his double skepticism of the order of establishment [det Bestående] on the one hand, and the political associations of his age on the other. In this tension he is immersed, trembling between Scylla and Charybdis. On the one hand Kierkegaard is hesitant to support the progressive political movements of the time due to his skepticism about the principle of association in the socio-psychological climate of leveling and envy. On the other hand, his dubious support of the order of the establishment, in particular the Church and Bishop Mynster, becomes increasingly problematic. The importance of 1848 is crucial in this regard since this year marks the decisive turn in Kierkegaard’s authorship. Using the letters to Kolderup-Rosenvinge in the wake of the cataclysmic events of 1848 as my point of departure, I wish to elucidate the pathway towards what Kierkegaard himself understands as his Socratic mission.

scholarly journals Applicability of the Moyers' Probability Tables in Adolescents with Different Facial Biotypes

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 213-220
Author(s):  
Jorge J. Pavani Carrillo ◽  
Maria C. Rubial ◽  
Cristina Albornoz ◽  
Silvina Villalba ◽  
Patricia Damiani ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
The Other ◽  
Mixed Dentition ◽  
Lower Range ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
National University ◽  
Probability Table ◽  
Correct Location ◽  
The City ◽  
Mixed Dentition Analysis ◽  
Lower Incisors

Introduction: The Moyers’ probability tables are used in mixed dentition analysis to estimate the extent of space required for the alignment of canines and premolars, by correlating the mesiodistal size of lower incisors with the size of permanent canines and premolars. Objective: This study intended to evaluate the applicability of the Moyer's probability tables for predicting the mesiodistal space needed for the correct location of premolars and permanent canines non-erupted, in adolescents of the city of Cordoba, Argentina, who show different facial biotypes. Materials and Methods: Models and tele-radiographies of 478 adolescents of both genders from 10 to 15 years of age were analyzed. The tele-radiographies were measured manually in order to determine the facial biotype. The models were scanned with a gauged scanner (HP 3670) and measured by using Image Pro Plus 4.5 software. Results: According to this study, the comparison between the Moyer´s probability table, and the table created at the National University of Córdoba (UNC) (at 95%, 75%, and 50%) shows that, in both tables, a higher value of mesiodistal width of lower incisors corresponds to a bigger difference in the space needed for permanent canines and premolars; being the need for space for permanents canines and premolars bigger in the UNC´s table. On the other hand, when contrasting the values of mesiodistal space for permanent canines and premolars associated with each facial biotype, the discrepancies between groups were not statistically significant (P >0.05). However, we found differences in the size of the space required according to the mesiodistal width range of the lower incisors for each biotype: a) The comparison of lower-range values, with a mesialdistal width of lower incisors less than 22 mm, the space required for permanent canines and premolars resulted smaller in patients with dolichofacial biotype than in patients with mesofacial and braquifacial biotypes. The latter biotypes have meager differences between them. b) The comparison of mid-range values, with a mesialdistal width of lower incisors from 22 to 25 millimeters, shows that the values of required alignment space are similar in the three facial biotypes. c) Finally, the comparison of upper range values, with a mesialdistal width of lower incisors greater than 25 millimeters, indicates that the space required for dolichofacial biotypes tends to be higher than in mesofacial and brachyfacial biotypes. Conclusion: The Moyer´s probability tables should be created to meet the needs of the population under study, with no consideration of patients’ facial biotypes.

The avant-garde’s visual arts in the context of Santayana’s idea of vital liberty

Human Affairs ◽  
2012 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Krzysztof Skowroński
Keyword(s):  
Twentieth Century ◽  
Visual Arts ◽  
The Other ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Human Beings ◽  
Political Dimension ◽  
Avant Garde ◽  
Other Hand ◽  
The Universe

AbstractIn the present paper, the author looks at the political dimension of some trends in the visual arts within twentieth-century avant-garde groups (cubism, expressionism, fauvism, Dada, abstractionism, surrealism) through George Santayana’s idea of vital liberty. Santayana accused the avant-gardists of social and political escapism, and of becoming unintentionally involved in secondary issues. In his view, the emphasis they placed on the medium (or diverse media) and on treating it as an aim in itself, not, as it should be, as a transmitter through which a stimulating relationship with the environment can be had, was accompanied by a focus on fragments of life and on parts of existence, and, on the other hand, by a de facto rejection of ontology and cosmology as being crucial to understanding life and the place of human beings in the universe. The avant-gardists became involved in political life by responding excessively to the events of the time, instead of to the everlasting problems that are the human lot.

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