scholarly journals Orientations toward interpersonal arguing in Chile

Pragmatics ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 25 (3) ◽  
pp. 453-476 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristián Santibañez ◽  
Dale Hample
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
University Students ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Empirical Results ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Chilean Women

This paper reports the first empirical results aiming to characterize argumentative practices in Chile. We described features of Chilean interpersonal arguing among university students, compared those results with others obtained in the United States, and also compared the associations among variables from country to country. Chilean men displayed more aggressive and self-oriented arguing profiles than Chilean women. Compared to U.S. Americans, Chileans were more motivated to argue and saw the practice of arguing as more cooperative and civil. Many results and correlational patterns were recognizable from one nation to the other, but some differences deserve notice. For example, several measures that are routinely seen as opposites in the U.S. (e.g., impulses to approach or avoid arguing) have only modest negative correlations in the Chilean data.

Factor Structure and Measurement Invariance of the Irrational Beliefs Inventory for University Students in the United States and Iceland

2020 ◽  
pp. 003329412097177
Author(s):  
Gudmundur T. Heimisson ◽  
Robert F. Dedrick
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
University Students ◽  
Measurement Invariance ◽  
Irrational Beliefs ◽  
Measurement Model ◽  
The United States ◽  
Correlated Errors ◽  
Factor Measurement ◽  
Model Misfit ◽  
The U.S

We used multigroup confirmatory factor analysis to evaluate the five-factor measurement model underlying the 50-item Irrational Beliefs Inventory (IBI) in samples of university students in the United States ( n=827) and Iceland ( n=720). Global model fit was marginally acceptable in each sample. Further analyses identified several sources of model misfit that included weak factor loadings, several item pairs with correlated errors, and items with loadings on more than one factor. Cronbach’s alpha reliability estimates for the five factors were similar for the U.S. and Icelandic samples, and comparable to those reported by the developers of the IBI. Measurement invariance testing supported configural (same form) and metric invariance (equal loadings), but identified only 20 items that had invariant item intercepts across the U.S. and Icelandic groups. Given the finding of partial measurement invariance, we offer caution when using the IBI to make group comparisons for U.S. and Icelandic samples. Recommendations are proposed for ongoing psychometric evaluations of the IBI that would identify strengths of the IBI and items that, if revised or deleted, may improve the quality of the measure for research and clinical purposes.

Unpacking the variable context of quotatives

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Kern
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Discourse Markers ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
Direct Quotation ◽  
The U.S

Abstract The present study analyzes the use of quotatives in Spanish among twenty-four Spanish-English bilinguals from Southern Arizona and assesses the possible influence of English contact in their use. Cameron (1998) defines the envelope of variation of quotatives in Spanish as verbs of direct report, bare-noun phrases, and null quotatives. This study identifies a fourth strategy of quotative discourse markers. A detailed qualitative and quantitative analysis of the linguistic conditioning of these four strategies of direct quotation according to content of the quote and grammatical person points to the fact that quotative discourse markers appear to be conditioned differently than the other three strategies, but contact with English does not play a decisive role in their use. These results contribute to our knowledge of Spanish in the United States and variation in quotative systems by expanding on Cameron’s (1998) study to explore the quotative system of the Spanish of the U.S. Southwest and adding an analysis of quotative discourse markers.

Basic U. S. Sources For Current Research In International Law: An Elementary Vade-Mecum

1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many ◽  
The U.S

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State

The Effects of Being Born in the United States on the Job Satisfaction of Asian Americans

2000 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles N. Weaver
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Job Satisfaction ◽  
Asian Americans ◽  
Asian American ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
European American ◽  
Full Time ◽  
European Americans ◽  
The U.S

Analysis of the responses of Asian American ( n = 178), African American ( n = 1,026), and European American ( n = 8,118) full-time workers to 21 nationwide surveys representative of the U.S. labor force from 1972 through 1996 showed the job satisfaction of Asian Americans compared to that of the other two groups was affected by whether subjects were born in the United States. In addition, there were no gender differences in job satisfaction among African Americans and European Americans who were and were not born in the U.S., but there were such differences among Asian Americans.

But I Do Academic Anthropology!: Advocacy, Ethics, and the Politics of Research

2007 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-23
Author(s):  
Rachel Adler
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethical Problems ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Political Milieu ◽  
Conducting Research ◽  
The U.S

Conducting research among immigrants in the United States can pose ethical problems not encountered by anthropologists working abroad. Research occurs, of course, in the context of a political milieu. When anthropologists are working outside of their own societies, it is easier to dissociate themselves from the political sphere. This is because foreign anthropologists are not expected to embrace the political rhetoric of societies of which they are only observers. Ethnographers inside the U.S., on the other hand, often become politicized, regardless of their academic intentions.

A Helpful Fixer in a Hard Place: Canadian Mediation in the U.S. Confrontation with Cuba

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 4-35
Author(s):  
Asa McKercher
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
The Other ◽  
Trading Partner ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Hard Place

With the breakdown of relations between Washington and Havana after the Cuban revolution in 1959, officials in Ottawa found themselves in an unenviable position. Increasingly, Canadian diplomats and politicians felt caught between, on one side, their most important ally and trading partner, and, on the other, a country that had not caused harm to Canada in any significant way. Alarmed by this state of affairs, Canadian officials on several occasions considered mediating the dispute between Cuba and the United States. Ultimately, however, policymakers in Ottawa stopped short of taking this step, largely because they recognized that their U.S. allies disapproved of mediation. Many historians, in playing up the differences between Canadian and U.S. foreign policies toward Cuba, have ignored Canada's caution in choosing an independent stance. This article shows that in dealings over Cuba, Canadian officials were mindful both of Canada's limited capabilities and of its position as a close ally of the United States.

The U.S. Assistance to the MENA Arab Countries under the Trump Administration: The Logic of a Diff erentiated Approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-170
Author(s):  
V. I. Bartenev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Other ◽  
Unexpected Result ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Trump Administration

This paper identifi es and explains key changes in the U.S. aid policies towards Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under Donald Trump. It seeks to validate two widespread arguments — the one about the current administration’s revision of pivotal principles of providing foreign assistance, and the other one — about an accelerated disengagement of the United States from the MENA region since 2017. The paper consists of four sections. The fi rst section explores the transformation of the U.S. strategic thinking and regional context under the Trump administration and then posits fi ve hypotheses about possible changes in the volume and composition of the U.S. assistance to the MENA region (in comparison with the fi nal two years of the Obama administration), as well as the diff erences in the executive branch and the Congress’s positions. The second section explains particularities of the statistical data and the methods of its exploration, the third section presents the results of hypothesis testing using aggregated data on aid fl ows to the region, and the fi nal section explains these results, sometimes unexpected, using the data disaggregated by country. Three of fi ve hypotheses proved wrong based on the aggregate data. First, the Trump administration did not cut assistance to the MENA more substantially than to other regions of the globe. Second, it did not ringfence aid accounts which helped yield direct dividends to the U.S. businesses. Third, the Republican Congress was clearly less willing to support the executive’s aid chocies under a new Republican President than during the last years of a Democrat Barack Obama’s second term. Only two hypotheses proved correct — one about a prioritization of security and military assistance under Donald Trump and the other one — about disproportionate cuts of democracy promotion assistance. Such an unexpected result calls for refi ning both aforementioned arguments and taking into account the dissimilarities in the dynamics of assistance to diff erent countries. The United States tends to practice a diff erentiated approach in dealing with two largest Arab aid recipients (Egypt and Jordan) and with other Arab countries. The assistance to Cairo and Amman is ringfenced and protected, while aid to other recipients, including security assistance and FMF grants, is prone to quite drastic cuts. This diff erentiation is explained by the fact that cooperation with Egypt and Jordan rests not only on more solid strategic foundations but also on a strong support within the United States — both from the defense contractors interested in large export contracts and from an infl uential pro-Israel lobby. The U.S. will not abandon this highly diff erentiated approach after the 2020 elections but the structure of assistance to the MENA region might undergo quite a dramatic transformation.

Reagan's Ambiguous Economic Legacy

1988 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Gilpin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Supply Side ◽  
International Activity ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
International Aspects ◽  
The U.S

The introductory piece attempts to set forth as objectively as possible the economic legacy of the Reagan Administration, with emphasis on its international aspects, and thereby to provide the background for the other articles. Gilpin charts the shift in the 1980s from a supply-side, laissez-faire style policy to one that acknowledges a need for cooperation between the United States and its economic partners. While this has been a responsible and productive change, it has also generated ambiguity as to what the U.S. stance on economic international activity should be.

Renminbi Internationalization: Prospects and Implications for Economic Integration in East Asia

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yung Chul Park ◽  
Chi-Young Song
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Trade Imbalance ◽  
Financial Cooperation ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Rmb Internationalization

This paper argues that renminbi (RMB) internationalization and China's strategic interests in ASEAN will combine to deepen economic integration and pave the way for creating a de facto RMB bloc consisting of the 10 ASEAN countries, China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan—a grouping we call ASEAN+New3. Such a currency bloc is likely to weaken the initiatives of the existing ASEAN+3 (China, Japan, and Korea) for regional monetary-financial cooperation because neither Japan nor can Korea join the new currency bloc for economic and political reasons. This paper also argues that RMB internationalization would delay the resolution of the trade imbalance between East Asia and the United States because China would be pressured by the other members of ASEAN+New3 to maintain stability of the RMB vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar.

Sweden, the United States, and Raoul Wallenberg's Mission to Hungary in 1944

2012 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 97-148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Matz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
World War ◽  
Soviet Occupation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The Face ◽  
The U.S

This article provides an in-depth examination of the U.S. government's role in the case of Raoul Wallenberg, the courageous Swedish envoy who died mysteriously in the Soviet Union after being arrested by Soviet occupation forces at the end of World War II for unknown reasons. The article recounts how U.S. officials, particularly the diplomat Herschel V. Johnson, tried to alleviate the plight of Hungarian Jews after German forces occupied Hungary in 1944. A key part of this policy was their effort to work with Sweden in enlisting Wallenberg's help. The U.S.-Swedish relationship was never particularly close, and the mistrust that officials in each country felt toward the other side impeded any coordinated action. The article discusses the bureaucratic impediments on the U.S. side and highlights some of the obstacles that Johnson strove to overcome. The article builds on the report produced by the Eliasson Commission documenting the Swedish government's handling of the Wallenberg case. Although the Swedish authorities bore by far the greatest amount of blame for doing nothing in the face of Soviet stonewalling, Matz argues that U.S. officials also made significant misjudgments that may have exacerbated the situation.

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