Reagan's Ambiguous Economic Legacy

1988 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Gilpin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Supply Side ◽  
International Activity ◽  
Laissez Faire ◽  
International Aspects ◽  
The U.S

The introductory piece attempts to set forth as objectively as possible the economic legacy of the Reagan Administration, with emphasis on its international aspects, and thereby to provide the background for the other articles. Gilpin charts the shift in the 1980s from a supply-side, laissez-faire style policy to one that acknowledges a need for cooperation between the United States and its economic partners. While this has been a responsible and productive change, it has also generated ambiguity as to what the U.S. stance on economic international activity should be.

Mobile Payments at the Retail Point of Sale in the United States: Prospects for Adoption

2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Marianne Crowe ◽  
Marc Rysman ◽  
Joanna Stavins
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Network Effects ◽  
Critical Mass ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cost Ratio ◽  
Supply Side ◽  
Demand Side ◽  
Point Of Sale ◽  
Mobile Payments ◽  
The U.S

Although mobile payments are increasingly used in some countries, they have not been adopted widely in the United States so far, despite their potential to add value for consumers and streamline the payments system. We summarize short-term and long-term benefits from mobile payments, and analyze the economic framework of that market. Both demand-side and supply-side barriers contribute to the lack of adoption of mobile payments. We contrast mobile payments at the retail point of sale in the U.S. with other countries’ experiences and with examples of successful payment innovations in the U.S. Conditions that have facilitated some success in other countries and in other U.S. innovations are not present in the mobile payments market. On the demand side, consumers and merchants are well served by the current card system and face a low expected benefit-cost ratio, at least in the short run. On the supply side, low market concentration and strong competitive forces of banks and mobile carriers make coordination of standards difficult. Furthermore, mobile payments are characterized by a network effects problem: consumers will not demand them until they know that enough merchants accept them, and merchants will not implement the technology until a critical mass of consumers justifies the cost of doing so. We present some policy recommendations that the Federal Reserve should consider.

Unpacking the variable context of quotatives

2017 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 124-143 ◽  
Author(s):  
Joseph Kern
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Decisive Role ◽  
Noun Phrases ◽  
Discourse Markers ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative Analysis ◽  
Qualitative And Quantitative ◽  
Direct Quotation ◽  
The U.S

Abstract The present study analyzes the use of quotatives in Spanish among twenty-four Spanish-English bilinguals from Southern Arizona and assesses the possible influence of English contact in their use. Cameron (1998) defines the envelope of variation of quotatives in Spanish as verbs of direct report, bare-noun phrases, and null quotatives. This study identifies a fourth strategy of quotative discourse markers. A detailed qualitative and quantitative analysis of the linguistic conditioning of these four strategies of direct quotation according to content of the quote and grammatical person points to the fact that quotative discourse markers appear to be conditioned differently than the other three strategies, but contact with English does not play a decisive role in their use. These results contribute to our knowledge of Spanish in the United States and variation in quotative systems by expanding on Cameron’s (1998) study to explore the quotative system of the Spanish of the U.S. Southwest and adding an analysis of quotative discourse markers.

Basic U. S. Sources For Current Research In International Law: An Elementary Vade-Mecum

1977 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 347-358 ◽  
Author(s):  
Adolf Sprudzs
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Law ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Intergovernmental Organizations ◽  
Department Of State ◽  
The Public ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Many ◽  
The U.S

Among the many old and new actors on the international stage of nations the United States is one of the most active and most important. The U.S. is a member of most existing intergovernmental organizations, participates in hundreds upon hundreds of international conferences and meetings every year and, in conducting her bilateral and multilateral relations with the other members of the community of nations, contributes very substantially to the development of contemporary international law. The Government of the United States has a policy of promptly informing the public about developments in its relations with other countries through a number of documentary publication, issued by the Department of State

The Effects of Being Born in the United States on the Job Satisfaction of Asian Americans

2000 ◽  
Vol 87 (1) ◽  
pp. 347-350 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles N. Weaver
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Job Satisfaction ◽  
Asian Americans ◽  
Asian American ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
European American ◽  
Full Time ◽  
European Americans ◽  
The U.S

Analysis of the responses of Asian American ( n = 178), African American ( n = 1,026), and European American ( n = 8,118) full-time workers to 21 nationwide surveys representative of the U.S. labor force from 1972 through 1996 showed the job satisfaction of Asian Americans compared to that of the other two groups was affected by whether subjects were born in the United States. In addition, there were no gender differences in job satisfaction among African Americans and European Americans who were and were not born in the U.S., but there were such differences among Asian Americans.

But I Do Academic Anthropology!: Advocacy, Ethics, and the Politics of Research

2007 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-23
Author(s):  
Rachel Adler
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Ethical Problems ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Political Milieu ◽  
Conducting Research ◽  
The U.S

Conducting research among immigrants in the United States can pose ethical problems not encountered by anthropologists working abroad. Research occurs, of course, in the context of a political milieu. When anthropologists are working outside of their own societies, it is easier to dissociate themselves from the political sphere. This is because foreign anthropologists are not expected to embrace the political rhetoric of societies of which they are only observers. Ethnographers inside the U.S., on the other hand, often become politicized, regardless of their academic intentions.

A Helpful Fixer in a Hard Place: Canadian Mediation in the U.S. Confrontation with Cuba

2015 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 4-35
Author(s):  
Asa McKercher
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Cuban Revolution ◽  
The Other ◽  
Trading Partner ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
State Of Affairs ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Hard Place

With the breakdown of relations between Washington and Havana after the Cuban revolution in 1959, officials in Ottawa found themselves in an unenviable position. Increasingly, Canadian diplomats and politicians felt caught between, on one side, their most important ally and trading partner, and, on the other, a country that had not caused harm to Canada in any significant way. Alarmed by this state of affairs, Canadian officials on several occasions considered mediating the dispute between Cuba and the United States. Ultimately, however, policymakers in Ottawa stopped short of taking this step, largely because they recognized that their U.S. allies disapproved of mediation. Many historians, in playing up the differences between Canadian and U.S. foreign policies toward Cuba, have ignored Canada's caution in choosing an independent stance. This article shows that in dealings over Cuba, Canadian officials were mindful both of Canada's limited capabilities and of its position as a close ally of the United States.

The United States Role in the Malvinas Crisis, 1982: Misguidance and Misperception in Argentina's Decision to Go to War

1985 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Lewis Feldman
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
National Security ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
The United States ◽  
Great Power ◽  
Early 19Th Century ◽  
Falklands War ◽  
High Level ◽  
Personal Diplomacy ◽  
The U.S

The Malvinas (Falklands) war of April-June 1982 has generated little attention among international scholars largely because neither its causes or consequences are. assumed to have great power significance.The thesis of this article is that the timing of the Malvinas invasion, and the subsequent miscalculation that the United States would tacitly assist Argentina, were partly shaped by U. S. policies. Although the principal motive for the invasion was to vindicate a claim stretching back to the early 19th century (U.S. House 1982c: 50-51; Etchepareborda, 1983:48-58), the abruptness of Argentina's actions was conditioned by Reagan administration overtures towards a grand “anti-Communist” alliance (Maechling, 1982:75-82; Sunday Times, 1982: 63); an increase in the frequency and prestige of high-level contacts between the U.S. and Argentina between 1980-1982; the cultivation of official links between Galtieri and high-ranking U.S. national security officials (U.S. House, 1982d: 67; Hastings and Jenkins, 1983:46); the intense, personal diplomacy of former Secretary of State Haig during the conflict (Hastings and Jenkins, 1983: 104-113); and by covert efforts by Argentina to extend and strengthen U.S.-Argentine ties (Cardoso et al., 1983: 60-61).

The U.S. Assistance to the MENA Arab Countries under the Trump Administration: The Logic of a Diff erentiated Approach

2020 ◽  
Vol 12 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-170
Author(s):  
V. I. Bartenev
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Arab Countries ◽  
The Other ◽  
Unexpected Result ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Mena Region ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Trump Administration

This paper identifi es and explains key changes in the U.S. aid policies towards Arab countries of the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) under Donald Trump. It seeks to validate two widespread arguments — the one about the current administration’s revision of pivotal principles of providing foreign assistance, and the other one — about an accelerated disengagement of the United States from the MENA region since 2017. The paper consists of four sections. The fi rst section explores the transformation of the U.S. strategic thinking and regional context under the Trump administration and then posits fi ve hypotheses about possible changes in the volume and composition of the U.S. assistance to the MENA region (in comparison with the fi nal two years of the Obama administration), as well as the diff erences in the executive branch and the Congress’s positions. The second section explains particularities of the statistical data and the methods of its exploration, the third section presents the results of hypothesis testing using aggregated data on aid fl ows to the region, and the fi nal section explains these results, sometimes unexpected, using the data disaggregated by country. Three of fi ve hypotheses proved wrong based on the aggregate data. First, the Trump administration did not cut assistance to the MENA more substantially than to other regions of the globe. Second, it did not ringfence aid accounts which helped yield direct dividends to the U.S. businesses. Third, the Republican Congress was clearly less willing to support the executive’s aid chocies under a new Republican President than during the last years of a Democrat Barack Obama’s second term. Only two hypotheses proved correct — one about a prioritization of security and military assistance under Donald Trump and the other one — about disproportionate cuts of democracy promotion assistance. Such an unexpected result calls for refi ning both aforementioned arguments and taking into account the dissimilarities in the dynamics of assistance to diff erent countries. The United States tends to practice a diff erentiated approach in dealing with two largest Arab aid recipients (Egypt and Jordan) and with other Arab countries. The assistance to Cairo and Amman is ringfenced and protected, while aid to other recipients, including security assistance and FMF grants, is prone to quite drastic cuts. This diff erentiation is explained by the fact that cooperation with Egypt and Jordan rests not only on more solid strategic foundations but also on a strong support within the United States — both from the defense contractors interested in large export contracts and from an infl uential pro-Israel lobby. The U.S. will not abandon this highly diff erentiated approach after the 2020 elections but the structure of assistance to the MENA region might undergo quite a dramatic transformation.

Renminbi Internationalization: Prospects and Implications for Economic Integration in East Asia

2011 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 42-72 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yung Chul Park ◽  
Chi-Young Song
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
East Asia ◽  
Economic Integration ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Other ◽  
Trade Imbalance ◽  
Financial Cooperation ◽  
Asean Countries ◽  
The U.S ◽  
Rmb Internationalization

This paper argues that renminbi (RMB) internationalization and China's strategic interests in ASEAN will combine to deepen economic integration and pave the way for creating a de facto RMB bloc consisting of the 10 ASEAN countries, China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan—a grouping we call ASEAN+New3. Such a currency bloc is likely to weaken the initiatives of the existing ASEAN+3 (China, Japan, and Korea) for regional monetary-financial cooperation because neither Japan nor can Korea join the new currency bloc for economic and political reasons. This paper also argues that RMB internationalization would delay the resolution of the trade imbalance between East Asia and the United States because China would be pressured by the other members of ASEAN+New3 to maintain stability of the RMB vis-à-vis the U.S. dollar.

The Friends of Bibi (FOBs) vs. "The New Middle East"

1996 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 89-97 ◽  
Author(s):  
Leon T. Hadar
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Middle East ◽  
American Politics ◽  
Reagan Administration ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
The United States ◽  
Think Tanks ◽  
Working Together ◽  
The Media ◽  
The U.S

Led by a group of neoconservative intellectuals, who occupied top positions in the Reagan administration, an antipeace coalition has emerged in the U.S. capital. Working together with the Likud party and its leader Benjamin "Bibi" Netanyahu and using powerful outlets in Congress, the media, and think tanks, these Friends of Bibi (FOBs) have been instrumental in the lobbying efforts aimed at scuttling the PLO-Israeli accords and in building support for the new Likud government in Israel. This article examines the evolution of these "neocons" as a force in American politics and how their growing influence may affect the United States and the peace process.

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