Building Italianità in Northern Adriatic: The case of organized migration of population from Pola/Pula

2018 ◽  
Vol 46 (6) ◽  
pp. 992-1007
Author(s):  
Miha Kosmač

The article analyzes the process of buildingitalianitàin the case of migration of population from Pola/Pula that started as early as May 1945 and culminated in an organized process that officially began on 23 January 1947 and lasted until 20 March that same year. The article sheds light on the premises of that identity by analyzing complex activities of the Italian authorities who wanted to “defend Italianism” in Pola/Pula, as well as in other border areas of former Venezia Giulia. At the state level, they were mainly carried out by the Office for the Julian March/Ufficio per la Venezia Giuliaand following reorganization beginning at the end of 1946 by the Office for Border Areas/Ufficio per le Zone di Confine, and at the local level by a network of pro-Italian organizations and groups. Analysis contributes to the understanding of the top-down and bottom-upitalianitàbuilding process. On the local level, common identity was built upon the myth of thepatria, reiteration of traumatic/“wounded” memories and victim presentation of the “Italian” population, fear to be separated from thepatria, and unjust peace treaty propaganda. Simultaneously, the “Italian” population understood the Italian state as their defender.

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-10
Author(s):  
Eleanore Alexander ◽  
Lainie Rutkow ◽  
Kimberly A Gudzune ◽  
Joanna E Cohen ◽  
Emma E McGinty

Abstract Objective: To understand the different Na menu labelling approaches that have been considered by state and local policymakers in the USA and to summarise the evidence on the relationship between Na menu labelling and Na content of menu items offered by restaurants or purchased by consumers. Design: Proposed and enacted Na menu labelling laws at the state and local levels were reviewed using legal databases and an online search, and a narrative review of peer-reviewed literature was conducted on the relationship between Na menu labelling and Na content of menu items offered by restaurants or purchased by consumers. Setting: Local and state jurisdictions in the USA Participants: Not applicable. Results: Between 2000 and 2020, thirty-eight laws – eleven at the local level and twenty-seven at the state level – were proposed to require Na labelling of restaurant menu items. By 2020, eight laws were enacted requiring chain restaurants to label the Na content of menu items. Five studies were identified that evaluated the impact of Na menu labelling on Na content of menu items offered by restaurants or purchased by consumers in the USA. The studies had mixed results: two studies showed a statistically significant association between Na menu labelling and reduced Na content of menu items; three showed no effects. Conclusion: Data suggest that Na menu labelling may reduce Na in restaurant menu items, but further rigorous research evaluating Na menu labelling effects on Na content of menu items, as well as on the Na content in menu items purchased by consumers, is needed.


ILR Review ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 001979392097093
Author(s):  
Olatunde C. A. Johnson

In recent years, labor and civil rights groups have successfully pushed for local regulation raising the minimum wage, creating new parenting and sick leave policies, and broadening anti-discrimination protections to address sexual orientation and gender identity discrimination. This article examines the viability of this worker-protective regulation at the local level in the face of current legal and political challenges. In particular, it considers the rise of state preemption laws that overturn local ordinances, which is the product of anti-regulatory mobilization at the state legislative level. The article provides case studies of state preemption and offers potential legal arguments for challenging preemption and safeguarding labor and civil rights localism. The author concludes, however, that given the uncertainty of whether these legal arguments will prevail in court, civil rights and labor advocates will need to engage politics at the state level to preserve and expand local innovations.


2019 ◽  
Vol 44 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-80
Author(s):  
Nuzula Anggeraini ◽  
Yeremias T. Keban ◽  
Jun Matsunami

Border regions are geographically presented with potential economic benefits. However, some of these areas have not been able to take advantage of their strategic geographic locality. This is also the case for border areas in Indonesia. There is a spectrum of perceptions by stakeholders on how border regions, particularly international borders, should be developed. This study sought to capture the perspectives of Indonesian stakeholders on border region development, and the extent of influence such perspectives have in the policy of border areas development with a case study in West Southeast Maluku The research was conducted using qualitative method with in-depth interviews as the primary collecting data technique. The results show that despite perceptions of stakeholders who view West Southeast Maluku as an area of insecurity, they also see the potential of the area to be developed as a gateway, area of opportunity, zone of contacts and zone of cooperation. However, the current policies and strategies of the development of border areas do not exemplify such perceptions, and the formulation of such policies is likely to be dominated by state-level stakeholders, despite the fact that local level stakeholders have a more comprehensive understanding of the needs of their areas.


2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 360-373
Author(s):  
David Popp

AbstractInnovation is an important part of energy policy, and encouraging clean energy innovation is often an explicit goal of policy makers. For local governments, promoting clean energy innovation is seen not only as a pathway to a cleaner economy but also as a tool for promoting the local economy. But is such optimism warranted? There is a substantial literature examining the relationships between innovation and environmental policy, but few studies focus explicitly on innovation at the state and local level. In this paper, I provide key lessons from research on clean energy innovation, focusing on lessons relevant for state and local governments. I then summarize the results of a recent working paper by Fu et al. (2018) that studied wind energy innovation across individual states in the United States. While state-level policies can promote clean energy innovation, it is overall market size that matters most. Thus, innovation need not occur in those states most actively promoting clean energy. I conclude with lessons for state and local governments drawn from both this work and the broader literature on energy innovation.


2017 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 233-252 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne-Laure Mahé

AbstractThe concept of participation is a cornerstone of development and democracy discourses, but studies on participatory development rarely examine the political regimes those policies are embedded in. Yet, in authoritarian contexts, participation is ambiguous, potentially threatening—as it can be connected to democratic ideals—and it also can be used as a resource, a tool for domination. Through an analysis of participatory development projects implemented in Sudan, I explore how power relations are renegotiated at the local level. Relying on data collected during fieldwork in Khartoum and the state of North Kordofan, where the projects are located, I highlight the disconnect between the discourse surrounding the participatory devices, which establishes an horizontal relationship between citizens and the local government, and the actual practices that strengthen the latter's power. In doing so, the article challenges a linear, top-down conception of authoritarian power and reveals the tensions that exist between institutional levels.


Author(s):  
Chad D. Ellis

Connecticut’s Teacher Education and Mentoring (TEAM) program is in its early stages of implementation. This study examined how local school districts implemented TEAM and identified factors that affected implementation. It was based on interviews with twenty-two participants at the state, district, and local school levels. The intentions of the program designers at the state level were compared to district and school level understanding of the program’s intentions and how those understandings influenced implementation. Additionally, factors affecting local understanding and implementation of the new program were described. The findings of this study suggest that there was close alignment of understanding between the state and local implementers on the key provisions of the program related to its role as a professional development tool. The data reveal tacit rather than explicit understanding at the local level of the program’s intention to improve student achievement. Variations in understanding can be attributed to other factors including contextual, structural, cognitive, and affective elements.


The Rohingya ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 58-82
Author(s):  
Nasir Uddin

Chapter 3 discusses the crises of social integration of Rohingya refugees in the host societies of south-eastern Bangladesh. It argues that hosting the refugees is always problematic and troublesome from the perspective of the host society, whereas refugees think of it as hurting. State-level perception and local-level realities are strikingly different when it comes to hosting refugees. Local society always encounters the problems in the periphery more directly and explicitly than the state in the centre. This chapter merely focuses on the dynamics of interaction between the host society and migrated refugees at the grassroot level through the metaphor of ‘hosting’ and ‘hurting’. Though hosting and hurting are perceived from subjective interpretations, the chapter attempts to unveil the objective reality in the context of the quandary of integration between the refugees and the host society in case of the Rohingyas in Bangladesh.


Author(s):  
Emizet F. Kisangani

The fundamental challenge facing social engineers is to project authority. State building is a process that establishes political order over time. As a top-down strategy, it emerges as an antidote to state collapse. The success of a state is in its capacity not only to provide national security while controlling the means of violence, but also to supply other public goods funded through direct taxes on citizens, who are supposed to make their rulers accountable. The absence of such state capacity perhaps explains the unending political crisis that plagues many post-colonial states, because they tend to control populations rather than territories. Although some efforts have been made toward state building, the state remains fragile in many post-colonial states. Territorial control is limited, and private taxation continues. Local tensions based on ethnic affinities rather than national allegiance remains intense. The analysis of Congo-Kinshasa illustrates these assertions by contrasting three successive periods: the Congo Free State (1885–1908), the Belgian Congo (1908–1959), and the post-colonial period (1960–2019). Of these three periods, only the second entity was able to professionalize the military for state-building purposes. The emphasis on this top down approach in state building overlooks other configurations that postcolonial state builders should contemplate. Societies have historically compensated for the failure or absence of statehood through a number of mechanisms that include, among others, councils of elders and secret societies that may not be difficult to reconcile with the demands of the modern state. The search for this bottom-up approach to state building perhaps explains so many internal conflicts in most post-colonial states as marginalized groups intend to insert themselves into the political system that has excluded them from power.


2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-160
Author(s):  
Christophe Jaffrelot

In the 2009 and 2014 elections, the poorer the voters were, the less BJP-oriented they were too. The situation changed in 2019, when the prime minister appeared to be equally popular among all the strata of society, including the poor. Modi’s massive appeal to the poor is counterintuitive given the weakening of pro-poor policies like the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act and the elitist character of BJP. If class has lost some of its relevance for explaining the results of the 2019 elections, caste is showing some resilience, not as aggregates in the garb of OBCs or SCs, but as jatis at the state level. In spite of the BJP’s claim that the party’s ideology was alien to any consideration which may divide the nation, its strategists have meticulously studied caste equations at the local level in order to select the right candidates. This caste-based strategy partly explains the above-mentioned class element as the small OBC and Dalit jatis that the BJP has wooed are often among the poorest—and upper caste poor vote more for BJP than their co-ethnic rich anyway.


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (516) ◽  
pp. 251-257
Author(s):  
T. V. Ponomarova ◽  
◽  
M. A. Komlieva ◽  

One of the key elements of the analysis of the efficiency of reforms at the State level is the effectiveness and a shift in quantitative indicators of the relevant statistical categories. In Ukraine, the period after 2014 is considered to be the time of legislative changes and reforms. Among them, according to experts and politicians, the most successful is the decentralization reform. Its implementation is based primarily on changes in the taxation system both at the national and local levels. Accordingly, the main indicator of achieving the goals of fiscal decentralization can be considered changes in the structure of tax redistribution between the local and the State budgets. This article provides an assessment of the level and dynamics of the main types of taxes as to their proportion between different levels of fiscal centralization. In the course of the research, a comparative analysis of rates and monetary measurement of both the national and local taxes and fees was carried out. The authors account tax revenues in a geographical context and during the last eight years, which allows assessing the impact of the reform on the amount of taxes collected, identifying the leading regions, as well as tracking the taxation trends. As a result of the research, it is found out that fiscal decentralization since the beginning of its implementation has been a significant factor in the growth of tax revenues in local budgets. Nevertheless, personal income tax prevails among fiscal fillers of budgets at the local level, so the problems of unemployment and lack of jobs in times of coronavirus crisis pose a challenge for the financial security of territorial communities. Further research on the topic is considered promising given the effectiveness of combining the benefits of fiscal decentralization with the relevant instruments of the State support to increase the local budget funds.


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