The Brazilian nuclear program in a foreign policy context

1978 ◽  
Vol 1 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 53-70 ◽  
Author(s):  
William Perry ◽  
Sheila Kern
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Wim Tohari Daniealdi

 This study is aimed to analyze Indonesia’s foreign policy changes toward Iranian nuclear issue in The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) from 2007 to 2008. The Iranian nuclear issue became international focus when UNSC in 2006 decided the future of Iranian nuclear program. Nuclear proliferation’s threat was debated in UNSC due to a new nuclear program launched by Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad to build nuclear arsenal as soon as possible. As a non-permanent member of UNSC, Indonesia should participate in any decision within two years whether to support, abstain or to reject any resolutions decided. The research used qualitative method with a case study type. Data was collected based on qualitative method through literature study and interviews in order to gain understanding why the changes occurred in Indonesia’s foreign policy with domestic and international factors as consideration. The research concluded that Indonesia’s foreign police changes was on international pressure to support new sanction on Iranian nuclear program in 2007. Indonesia’s policy was criticized in domestic. After domestic pressure, Indonesia finally took abstain policy in a new resolution on Iran nuclear in UNSC on March 2008. In other words the Indonesian foreign policy changes can be classified in adjustment changes to appease domestic pressure and in the same time to avoid confrontation with major powers interests.


2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Hamid Sarmadi

US foreign policy during the Obama administration, especially in the second term, has focused to resolve its international crises in the Middle East and tried to resolve the Iranian nuclear issue. In the current article, different approaches are brought forth in the field of discerning deterrence mechanisms that are feasible against asymmetric hazards. In the following, the attempts has been made to answer the question of how deterrence can be utilized as a mechanism to face asymmetric threats, and what role can Iran's nuclear program play in deterring countries in power in this process?. Hence, from the analysis of the mentioned model, we will present the main and major assumptions of the current article under four headings: deterrent measures, coercive measures, anti-deployment measures and counter-offensive measures. The tensions between Iran and the West are not the product of Iran's nuclear program, but are based on the religious ideology of the Iranian government and Israel's presence in the region, although the role of some Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia, should not be disregarded. The hypothesis under consideration is that US foreign policy in the Iranian nuclear case has been directed towards the interaction of national interests by following the rational, organizational and bureaucratic model of decision-making models. The result of the research is that think tanks are very determining in leading the US government to the White House foreign policy decision-maker towards Iran, so that diplomacy actors cannot escape it. And public opinion seeks to make Iran's nuclear energy dangerous and to prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon as a serious threat to humanity. Though, the Islamic Republic of Iran, with its power to obtain nuclear weapons, does not intend to build a nuclear bomb, nor does it intend to make the world insecure. The power of reaching to a nuclear weapon can play a key and major role for Iran as a deterrent, and Iran intends to use nuclear energy not to build a bomb but to make it peaceful.


1981 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-28
Author(s):  
Hayward R. Alker

AbstractI write my comments on Von Laue's encomium to Stalin's "Tragic greatness" not as a specialist in Soviet affairs but as someone primarily concerned with humanizing the practice and possibilities of contemporary world politics. In reacting to his essay, first let me applaud Von Laue's effort to convey a "compassionate understanding" of Stalin's evil "greatness." Secondly, I shall comment critically on his standards for judging, or refraining from judging, Stalin's political greatness and moral responsibility. Thirdly, I shall address certain issues which these views raise when reapplied to the contemporary Soviet-American foreign policy context from which they originate.


Author(s):  
Dan Bulley

Ethics and foreign policy have long been considered different arenas, which can only be bridged with great analytical and practical difficulty. However, with the rise of post-positivist approaches to foreign policy, much greater attention has been paid to the way that ethical norms and moral values are embedded within the way states understand their own actions and interests, both enabling and constraining their behavior. Turning to these approaches raises a different question to whether ethics and foreign policy can mix, that of how best to understand, analyze, and critique the role that ethics inevitably play within foreign policy making? What are required are perspectives which, instead of constructing an ethical theory in the abstract and applying it to a concrete situation, start from the ethics of the foreign policy arena itself. Two ways of looking at ethics are especially useful in this regard: a virtue-ethics approach and a relational-ethics approach. These can be best explored by observing how they work in a particular foreign policy context, such as the highly controversial U.K. decision to join the invasion and occupation of Iraq from 2003. This was a policy where ethics came particularly to the fore in both the decision-making process and its justification. The case study can therefore help show the types of questions virtue and relational ethics ask, the way they work as analytical and critical frameworks, and the problems they raise for the role of ethics in foreign policy. They also point toward important future directions for research in the area.


2018 ◽  
Vol 19 ◽  
Author(s):  
Virgílio Caixeta Arraes

The article deals with the final phase of Lula da Silva’s foreign policy toward the United States (2009-2010). The topics dealt with are Dilma Rousseff’s candidacy to the Brazilian presidency; the Brazilian borders considering US presence in Colombia; Brazil’s permanent membership to the United Nations Security Council; hosting of international sporting events under the auspices of ‘playful diplomacy’; attempt to reach a diplomatic understanding of Iran’s nuclear program and Haiti’s earthquake.


Author(s):  
Гайнутдинова ◽  
Lyudmila Gaynutdinova

In this paper devoted to 1150-year anniversary of the Russian statehood, the bases of its centuries-old stability are analyzed. There are following key factors of this stability: centuries-old expansion of borders due to extremely adverse foreign policy context; mobilization type of political system development for achievement the extraordinary purposes by extraordinary means; absolute monarchy as political system that proved to be capable to carry out a complex of drastic military and bureaucratic measures; acceptance of Orthodoxy which has become a basis of Russian identity as well as political and ideological basis of Russian statehood.


Author(s):  
Burak KÜNTAY

As a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization NATO , Turkey agreed to deploy a missile defense radar system in its southern region of Malatya in 2011. In the context of geopolitical developments before and after this pivotal year -namely, Turkey’s reorientation towards the Middle East, the Arab Awakening, and most recently, the Iranian nuclear deal of 2013- Turkey’s decision had far-reaching regional effects. To offer policy implications surrounding this decision, this paper analyzes the interaction between such political developments and the existence of this shield system within Turkey’s borders. Turkey’s decision to allow installation of the NATO defense shield came amid Western suspicions of Iran’s growing military might, nuclear program, and missile technology. Since Turkish foreign policy ever since the turn of the 21st century has shifted increasingly towards its neighbors in the Middle East, the installation and its hostile reception in Iran seemed out of sync with its foreign policy shift. Subsequently, examining the Turkish decision in light of recent regional developments provides insight about Turkey’s increasingly proactive role as not only a regional, but a global actor. Such examination includes an analysis of Turkey’s global environment through a foreign policy lens both before and after its decision to host the NATO defense shield. Paired with the technical reasons why Iran feels threatened by the missile deployment, such analysis shows that despite the growing polarity in Turkey’s neighborhood, Turkey’s NATO membership and nuanced view of international affairs makes it an important mediator moving forward in Iranian rapprochement with the West.


2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita ◽  
Muhammad Ilham Razak

Iranian nuclear threat remains one of the most pressing issue throughout the history of US foreign policy.  Ever since the islamic revolution occured in Iran in 1979, Iran hostile activities in Middle East has been a major threat for US  security interest, in particular when Iran started to build its ambition to build its nuclear weapon. Having said that, this article aims to discuss US foreign policy toward the threat of Iranian nuclear program from Bill Clinton administration until Trump Administration.  By using thematic analysis from Braun and Clarke, this article would scrutinize the internal and external factors of US foreign policy toward Iran and then seeks to understand the change and continuity of US foreign policy from Bill Clinton until Trump administration. From the analysis, it was found that US foreign policy has been influenced a lot by its internal and external factors, resulting in different responses of US foreign policy in each administration. Moreover, US foreign policy has been consistent to put Iranian nuclear threat as its major security threat despite differ in its foreign policy. However, the withdrawal of US under Trump in Joint Comprehensive Plan Of Action (JCPOA) deal has provided an inconsistency of US foreign policy with its previous administration.


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