Beliefs about an Offender’s Capacity to Be Rehabilitated: Black Offenders Are Seen as More Capable of Change

Author(s):  
Jamie S. Hughes ◽  
Angelica Sandel ◽  
Logan A. Yelderman ◽  
Victoria Inman
Keyword(s):  
Author(s):  
Michael Tonry

Predictions of future violence by individuals are substantially more often wrong than right. Minority offenders are more often incorrectly predicted to be violent than are white offenders. White offenders are more often incorrectly predicted to be nonviolent than are minority offenders. Use of socioeconomic status variables is per se unjust and disproportionately affects minority offenders. Use of criminal history variables exaggerates differences between minority and white offenders, and increases racial and ethnic disparities. It is unjust ever to punish someone more severely than he or she deserves because of a prediction of dangerousness (or for any other reason). Increasing the severity of a sentence on the basis of risk prediction punishes offenders in advance for crimes they would not have committed. Judges and others using prediction instruments more often disregard low-risk predictions for poor and black offenders than for affluent ones.


Author(s):  
Marian R. Williams

The death penalty has long been a source of debate and is perhaps the most litigated sentence in the United States. Arguments for the use of the death penalty point to “just deserts” or retribution, while arguments against its use point to its implementation, including how the death penalty is administered (e.g., via electrocution, lethal injection), the types of offenses that are eligible for the death penalty (e.g., murder, rape, treason), and the offenders who are sentenced to death (e.g., males, minorities). This latter concern is the subject of much research, to the extent that a number of U.S. Supreme Court cases have addressed this research, especially in the cases Furman v. Georgia (1972) and McCleskey v. Kemp (1987). Research has indicated that those who are sentenced to death share common characteristics, including gender, minority status, social class, geography, and victim similarities. Overwhelmingly, research has noted that, in general, those who kill white victims are the most likely to receive a death sentence, particularly black offenders who kill white victims. Also, males are more likely to receive a death sentence than females, low-income individuals are more likely to receive a death sentence than higher-income individuals, and committing a capital offense in a handful of counties in the United States increases the likelihood of a death sentence. It is difficult to determine in most cases the reasons for this disparity. Outright discrimination by prosecutors, judges, and/or juries is a possibility, but the court system has made it extremely difficult for offenders to prove discrimination in their individual cases. Some researchers argue that the criminal justice system is stacked against minorities and the poor, by enforcing laws more forcefully in their neighborhoods and requiring financial resources to defend oneself (e.g., bail, defense attorneys). Regardless of the reason for disparate treatment in individual cases, the fact that disparate treatment exists is concerning in a country whose constitution emphasizes due process and equal protection under law.


1986 ◽  
Vol 59 (2) ◽  
pp. 671-674
Author(s):  
Debra W. Townsend ◽  
Gary Fontaine

The validity of the Depression Adjective Check List and a specially developed check list were assessed with 48 black and 53 white juvenile offenders (70 boys, 31 girls) against self-ratings and ratings of 2 black and 2 white teachers. Both check lists correlated significantly with self- (−.29, −.30) and teachers' ratings (.36, .26) for white offenders, although teachers' ratings were correlated unexpectedly negatively with self-ratings (−.41). Only the special check list scores correlated with the two ratings for black offenders. The necessity of limiting use of tests to populations for which they have been validated is discussed.


2021 ◽  
pp. 218-240
Author(s):  
Benjamin S. Yost

In response to the racial disparities that plague the American criminal justice system, the Movement for Black Lives calls for an end to policing and punishment “as we know them.” But refusing to punish violent offenses leaves unprotected those most vulnerable to crime, and outright abolition thus appears to undermine black rights and liberties. The author calls this the decarceration dilemma. After discussing Tommie Shelby and Christopher Lewis’s attempts to resolve the dilemma, the author offers his own, which employs a procedural rather than a substantive solution. He leans on the principle of expanded asymmetry (EA), which holds that it is better to underpunish than overpunish. After defending EA, the author notes that it obtains only under conditions of uncertainty. He then shows that because virtually all trials of black offenders meet the uncertainty condition, sentencing authorities are obliged to treat black offenders leniently. This chapter concludes by noting the advantages of the proceduralist approach.


1992 ◽  
Vol 71 (3_suppl) ◽  
pp. 1226-1226
Author(s):  
Alan Rowe

This secondary analysis based on a previous study by the author of 14,834 men and women in the state prison system in Georgia shows that cultural differences for youth exhibited in frequency of rule conformity by white and nonwhite inmates did not appear among the middle-aged inmates.


1970 ◽  
Vol 16 (4) ◽  
pp. 357-362 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alvin E. Echols

Young people are rebelling against the hypocrisy of a society that sets certain values and then lives up to their opposite. Young black offenders can find few good examples inside or outside their community, while the conditions which make delinquent acts an attractive choice are created and maintained by the entire society. The strategy set up by the society to contain black juve .nile delinquency has three elements: the deadline—keeping blacks in black neighborhoods; vengeance—a judicial and con finement system that punishes and does not rehabilitate; and tribute—programs to buy off trouble temporarily. This strategy has worked only in the sense of making poor blacks the most frequent victims of black juvenile crime. The blame for the strategy's failure to reduce crime has been placed on the black culture rather than the society that devised the strategy and carries it out.


Author(s):  
Evan K Rose

Abstract Most convicted offenders serve their sentences under “community supervision” at home instead of in prison. Under supervision, however, a technical rule violation such as not paying fees can result in incarceration. Rule violations account for 25% of prison admissions nationally and are significantly more common among black offenders. I test whether technical rules are effective tools for identifying likely reoffenders and deterring crime and examine their disparate racial impacts using administrative data from North Carolina. Analysis of a 2011 reform reducing prison punishments for technical violations on probation reveals that 40% of rule breakers would go on to commit crimes if spared harsh punishment. The same reform also closed a 33% black-white gap in incarceration rates without substantially increasing the black-white reoffending gap. These effects combined imply that technical rules target riskier probationers overall, but disproportionately affect low-risk black offenders. To justify black probationers’ higher violation rate on efficiency grounds, their crimes must be roughly twice as socially costly as that of white probationers. Exploiting the repeat-spell nature of the North Carolina data, I estimate a semiparametric competing-risks model that allows me to distinguish the effects of particular types of technical rules from unobserved probationer heterogeneity. Rules related to the payment of fees and fines, which are common in many states, are ineffective in tagging likely reoffenders and drive differential impacts by race. These findings illustrate the potentially large influence of ostensibly race-neutral policies on racial disparities in the justice system.


Author(s):  
Micaela di Leonardo

Chapter 6 lays out the TJMS’s history of dealing extensively and as an activist counterpubic node with the racism baked into the U.S. criminal justice system, including the differential treatment of whites versus all people of color—as in media neglect of the cases of missing black girls and women. It also lays out TJMS’s militant gun-control stance and opposition to the NRA. It documents their reactions to black offenders, and to innocent African Americans released from prison because of DNA evidence. It lays out TJMS coverage of and activism for victims of police violence/racist criminal justice Sean Bell, Trayvon Martin, Eric Garner, Melissa Alexander, and Michael Brown.


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