scholarly journals Return from sleeplessness

1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-41
Author(s):  
Osvaldo Soriano

After seven years in exile, an Argentinian writer flies back and records his feelings as he discovers the strangeness and familiarity of Buenos Aires In October 1983, Argentina held presidential and parliamentary elections after more than seven years of military dictatorship. Since 1976, many thousands of Argentinians have been forced into exile by the repressive policies of the military ‘Process of National Re-organisation’. Among these was the novelist Osvaldo Soriano, whose two books Triste, Solitario y Final and No Habrá más Penas ni Olvido were first published in France (in 1978 and 1980). The military regime in Argentina began to crumble after the disastrous 1982 Malvinas/Falklands adventure and the blatant failure of their economic management. As the democratic forces regrouped for the elections, Soriano, like many other exiles, returned to discover a familiar but strange Argentina, struggling to overcome the nightmares of the previous seven years.

2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Adil Khan ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Abdul Waheed

Pakistan, since its inception, has passed through several phases of transitions to civilian rule and authoritarian reversals. Similar to the pattern of transition between civilian rule and dictatorship, there is a pattern of change within authoritarian Regimes that could be observed in all the three experiences of transition in Pakistan. This paper identifies the pattern of change from military dictatorship to civilian rule from 1958 to 1970. The key questions addressed in this paper are: firstly, how the military regime consolidated its grip on power after the October 1958 coup? Secondly, how early cracks appeared in the military's control over power and matured with the passage of time, resulting in a national crisis? Thirdly, how failure in crises management led to the transition to civilian rule, as well as, the disintegration of the state.


1996 ◽  
Vol 25 (5) ◽  
pp. 132-136
Author(s):  
Madres de Plaza de Mayo

Just a few blocks from the Buenos Aires' Congress building, where the street narrows again, the Madres de Plaza de Mayo have their office. Tourists pass by without noticing the building with its small brass plaque reading ‘House of the Mothers’. Every day the Mothers meet here to continue their 20-year struggle, begun during the military dictatorship (1976-1983), to establish exactly what happened to their disappeared sons and daughters and to demand retribution against those who imprisoned, tortured and killed their children. July this year marked their 1,000th meeting. There are also the Grandmothers, women who lost not only a daughter or son, but also their children's children. Some of these were separated from their mothers and killed, others were given for adoption and, to this day, have no idea of their real parents. Ingo Malcher talked to them for Index


Urban History ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 646-662
Author(s):  
JENNIFER T. HOYT

ABSTRACT:The last military dictatorship to come to power in Argentina is most well known for its atrocious human rights violations. However, this campaign of terror represents just one act carried out in the regime's efforts to counter leftist activities. The military sought to provide responsive administration as a means to pacify the nation. In the national capital, Buenos Aires, the military pursued a comprehensive set of urban reforms meant to streamline and control the metropolis. Cold War ideologies deeply penetrated the every-day and profoundly changed how citizens lived in Buenos Aires.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. a9en
Author(s):  
Raphael Diego Greenhalgh

Censorship in the Military Dictatorship has its origins in the processes of repression of the press institutionalized in the Estado Novo. In the military government, in addition to prior censorship, there was also a widespread repression on the media, based on methods such as: surveillance, harassment and punishment of journalists, and coercion of the press through tax audits and advertising control, among other means. The paper aims to analyze the relationship between the great national press, leading local press and journalists based in Brasilia, with the censorship apparatus of the military regime. Based on an exploratory and descriptive research, with a qualitative approach, it used archival materials from institutions and truth commissions, as well as interviews with journalists. The paper concludes that despite the repression of the great press in Brasília, there were also resistance initiatives.


2018 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Paulo Fontes ◽  
Larissa R. Corrêa

AbstractThis article analyzes recent Brazilian scholarship on workers and trade unions during the military dictatorship (1964–1985), emphasizing the relative absence of studies and the neglect of worker organization. By focusing on working-class agency and the dilemmas the labor movement faced due to the regime's economic policies and fierce repression, this essay offers a better understanding of the political scenario after 1964. The second part of the article examines the themes of the most recent studies about workers and the labor movement during the military regime, emphasizing existing blind spots and future challenges for scholarship.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 115-140
Author(s):  
Sandra Assunção

The Brazilian civil-military dictatorship was revisited by many contemporary novelists, being the literature of that period considered as a form of "dictatorship file" (Figueiredo 2017). The writers Roberto Drummond, in Hitler manda lembranças (1984), and Bernardo Kucinski, in K.Relato de uma busca (2011), put on stage characters who, inserted in the dictatorial period, are tormented by memories of The Second World War. As in an untraceable puzzle, the memory of the Jews persecution during Nazism re-emerges by establishing connections with the military regime in Brazil. Self-fiction or pastiche-like, the two novels propose particular analogies between non-competitive memories and possible traumatic intersections (Rothberg 2018). The narratives’ testimonial character also allows to establish relations between an exogenous past (the immigrant’s) and the national memory. The traumatic past fictionalization seems to contribute to the building of relations between different historical moments and the transference of an intergenerational and affiliative memory (Hirsch 2012)


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (48) ◽  
pp. 208-229
Author(s):  
Gabriel Saldanha Lula de Medeiros

Este artigo tem como finalidade investigar a respeito do uso da educação como um instrumento político de controle e legitimação de poder durante a ditadura militar brasileira a partir de 1964. A metodologia consiste em uma pesquisa bibliográfica realizada no Google utilizando palavras relacionadas a cada um dos assuntos a serem abordados, além de três livros físicos. Houve o cuidado em não coletar textos que pudessem fazer apologia ao regime autoritário. Após o levantamento bibliográfico de textos produzidos por historiadores, será realizada uma discussão a fim de elucidar a questão, baseando-se na corroboração entre os dados trazidos pelos autores consultados. Conclui-se, por fim, que o regime militar utilizou a educação como instrumento político através da implementação de novas disciplinas cívicas e ufanistas, do controle da produção do material didático, da criação de licenciaturas curtas desprovidas de conhecimento científico aprofundado e do esvaziamento do conteúdo crítico das disciplinas de humanidades. Palavras-chaves: Ditadura militar; Educação; Estudos Sociais; Moral e Cívica; Abstract: This article aims to investigate about the use of education as a political instrument of control and legitimization of power during the Brazilian military dictatorship from 1964. The methodology consists of a bibliographic search on Google using words related to each subject. addressed, as well as a physical book. Care was taken not to collect texts that could make an apology to the authoritarian regime. After the bibliographic survey of texts produced by historians, a discussion will be held in order to elucidate the issue, based on the corroboration between the data brought by the authors consulted. Finally, it is concluded that the military regime used education as a political instrument through the implementation of new civic and ufanist disciplines, the control of the production of didactic material, the creation of short degrees without deep scientific knowledge and the emptying of content. critic of the humanities disciplines. Keywords: Military dictatorship; Education; Social Studies; Moral and Civism.


1996 ◽  
Vol 25 (1) ◽  
pp. 153-161
Author(s):  
Guillermo Martínez

Guillermo Martínez was born in Bahía Blanca, in the province of Buenos Aires, Argentina, in 1962, four years before General Onganía came into power. In 1982 he was awarded the first prize in the National Short Story Competition ‘Roberto Arlt’ for his book La jungla sin bestias (The Beastless Jungle); six years later he received the first prize from the Fondo Nacional de las Artes for his second collection of short stories, Infierno Grande (Vast Hell). His first novel, Acerca de Rodorer (Concerning Rodorer) was published in 1992. Martínez belongs to the generation of writers who grew up in the midst of the Argentina of the ‘dirty war’ between the military dictatorship and the guerrilla, a war that left the country shattered and from which Argentina has not recovered in spite of the present government's attempts to erase all memory of those past atrocities. The war did violence to everyone and everything, including the Argentine language. The writers of Martínez's generation were forced to reconstruct a tongue destroyed by the abuse of power, by irrational violence, by forced stupidity which infected words like a virus infects the blood. Their task was not only to bear witness and to build imaginary landscapes for their chronicles which are not, it must be said, mere documentaries. First they had to rescue the words themselves from debasement, using a pared-down, clear-cut language, free from the rhetoric, far-fetched metaphor and bombast so dear to the military heart.


1982 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-5
Author(s):  
Jacobo Timerman

Jacobo Timerman was until recently one of Argentina's most distinguished newspaper editors. Born in Russia in 1923, he emigrated as a child with his family to Argentina, where he was later found the Buenos Aires daily La Opinion. He became a fierce opponent of the human rights abuses under the military regime which took power in 1976. In April 1977 Timerman was abducted and held prisoner for 30 months by agents of the Argentinian army. He was not found guilty of any of the accusations laid against him. The torture and savage anti-Semitism he was subjected to are described in his recent book, Prisoner Without a Name, Cell Without a Number. Exiled from Argentina in September 1979 following his release, he has spoken out on behalf of those who have been silenced or who continue to suffer from human rights violations in Argentina. Jacobo Timerman now lives in Israel; in November 1981 he was the guest of honour at the annual lunch of the Writers & Scholars Educational Trust in London, on which occasion he delivered the following address.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (42) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
José Carlos Fernandes ◽  
Agnes Do Amaral

Durante a primeira década da ditadura-civil militar, uma editora curitibana – a Grafipar –, de propriedade de uma família muçulmana, deixa de publicar livros de história e atlas e passa a investir no ramo de “revistas adultas”. Torna-se um polo nacional do gênero, chegando ao ápice de 49 títulos, 1,5 milhão de exemplares mês e 1,5 mil cartas/mês de leitores. Entre seus colaboradores, jornalistas malvistos pelo regime e intelectuais à esquerda, como os poetas Paulo Leminski e Alice Ruiz. Em meio aos então chamados “nus artísticos”, uma pequena de rede de intelectuais, de forma anônima, orientava a redação, num claro combate ao obscurantismo. Este artigo explora a resistência jornalística e intelectual disfarçada no conteúdo erótico. E o “lugar difícil” da qualificação desse material, que ficou à margem da chamada imprensa alternativa. Imprensa alternativa; revistas eróticas; comportamento. During the first decade of brazilian military dictatorship, a publishing house from Curitiba - Grafipar -, owned by a muslim family, stopped publishing history books and atlas and started to invest in adult themed magazines. Grafipar became a renowned publisher of this genre, reaching the peak of 49 titles, 1.5 million copies per month and 1.5 thousand letters from readers per month. Among the contributors were journalists that were frowned upon by the military regime and left-wing intellectuals, such as the poets Paulo Leminski and Alice Ruiz. Amid the “nude art”, a small net of intellectuals, anonymously, guided the editorial, in a clear fight against obscurantism. This article explores the journalistic and intellectual resistance disguised as erotic content and the difficulty to qualify this material, which were on the sidelines of the so called alternative press. Alternativa press; erotic magazines; behavior. Durante la primera década de la dictadura civil militar, una editora curitibana - la Grafipar -, de propriedad de una familia muzulmana, deja de publicar libros de história y atlas y comienza a invertir en el ramo de las "revistas adultas". Volviendose un polo nacional del género, llegando al ápice de 49 títulos, 1,5 millones de ejemplares al mes y 1,5 mil cartas/mes de lectores. Entre sus contribuyentes, periodistas malvistos por el régimen e intelectuales de izquierda, como los poetas Paulo Leminski y Alice Ruiz. En médio a los llamados desnudos artísticos, una pequeña red de intelectuales, de forma anónima, guiaba la redacción, en un claro combate al oscurantismo. Este artículo explora la resistencia periodística e intelectual disfrazada en el contenido erótico. Y el "lugar difícil" de la calificación de ese material, que quedó al margen de la llamada prensa alternativa. Prensa alternativa; revistas eróticas; comportamento.


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