scholarly journals Grafipar Edições: uma reação erótica à ditadura militar

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (42) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
José Carlos Fernandes ◽  
Agnes Do Amaral

Durante a primeira década da ditadura-civil militar, uma editora curitibana – a Grafipar –, de propriedade de uma família muçulmana, deixa de publicar livros de história e atlas e passa a investir no ramo de “revistas adultas”. Torna-se um polo nacional do gênero, chegando ao ápice de 49 títulos, 1,5 milhão de exemplares mês e 1,5 mil cartas/mês de leitores. Entre seus colaboradores, jornalistas malvistos pelo regime e intelectuais à esquerda, como os poetas Paulo Leminski e Alice Ruiz. Em meio aos então chamados “nus artísticos”, uma pequena de rede de intelectuais, de forma anônima, orientava a redação, num claro combate ao obscurantismo. Este artigo explora a resistência jornalística e intelectual disfarçada no conteúdo erótico. E o “lugar difícil” da qualificação desse material, que ficou à margem da chamada imprensa alternativa. Imprensa alternativa; revistas eróticas; comportamento. During the first decade of brazilian military dictatorship, a publishing house from Curitiba - Grafipar -, owned by a muslim family, stopped publishing history books and atlas and started to invest in adult themed magazines. Grafipar became a renowned publisher of this genre, reaching the peak of 49 titles, 1.5 million copies per month and 1.5 thousand letters from readers per month. Among the contributors were journalists that were frowned upon by the military regime and left-wing intellectuals, such as the poets Paulo Leminski and Alice Ruiz. Amid the “nude art”, a small net of intellectuals, anonymously, guided the editorial, in a clear fight against obscurantism. This article explores the journalistic and intellectual resistance disguised as erotic content and the difficulty to qualify this material, which were on the sidelines of the so called alternative press. Alternativa press; erotic magazines; behavior. Durante la primera década de la dictadura civil militar, una editora curitibana - la Grafipar -, de propriedad de una familia muzulmana, deja de publicar libros de história y atlas y comienza a invertir en el ramo de las "revistas adultas". Volviendose un polo nacional del género, llegando al ápice de 49 títulos, 1,5 millones de ejemplares al mes y 1,5 mil cartas/mes de lectores. Entre sus contribuyentes, periodistas malvistos por el régimen e intelectuales de izquierda, como los poetas Paulo Leminski y Alice Ruiz. En médio a los llamados desnudos artísticos, una pequeña red de intelectuales, de forma anónima, guiaba la redacción, en un claro combate al oscurantismo. Este artículo explora la resistencia periodística e intelectual disfrazada en el contenido erótico. Y el "lugar difícil" de la calificación de ese material, que quedó al margen de la llamada prensa alternativa. Prensa alternativa; revistas eróticas; comportamento.

2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Adil Khan ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Abdul Waheed

Pakistan, since its inception, has passed through several phases of transitions to civilian rule and authoritarian reversals. Similar to the pattern of transition between civilian rule and dictatorship, there is a pattern of change within authoritarian Regimes that could be observed in all the three experiences of transition in Pakistan. This paper identifies the pattern of change from military dictatorship to civilian rule from 1958 to 1970. The key questions addressed in this paper are: firstly, how the military regime consolidated its grip on power after the October 1958 coup? Secondly, how early cracks appeared in the military's control over power and matured with the passage of time, resulting in a national crisis? Thirdly, how failure in crises management led to the transition to civilian rule, as well as, the disintegration of the state.


Author(s):  
Marcos Napolitano

Since its establishment in 1889, the history of the Brazilian republic was marked by the centrality of the armed forces, particularly the army, in political life. But between 1964 and 1985, the military was in direct command of the state, imposing indirectly elected generals as president. After overthrowing the reformist center-left government of João Goulart on March 31, 1964, the military installed a tutelary authoritarian regime to control civil society and the political system, serving as a political model for similar regimes in Latin America during the Cold War. The military passed arbitrary laws and severely repressed left-wing political groups and social movements while also seeking to accelerate capitalist development and the “national integration” of Brazil’s vast territory. They intended to modernize Brazilian industry and carry out bold infrastructure projects. On the other hand, they faced strong opposition from civil society, led by political groups, artists, intellectuals, and press outlets of diverse ideological backgrounds (Marxists, liberals, socialists, and progressive Catholics). These groups were divided between total refusal to negotiate with the military and critical adherence to the policies of the generals’ governments, composing a complex relationship between society and the state. Understanding the role of the military regime in Brazilian history requires a combination of historical research and historiographic criticism in light of the disputes over memory that continue to divide social and political actors.


2018 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 351-373 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marcelo Ridenti

Abstract The article reconstructs and analyses the links between the journal Cadernos Brasileiros and the Congress for Cultural Freedom, which involved a relation of both dependency and relative autonomy, between 1959 and 1970. Despite both institutions claiming to be liberal and anti-communist, they did not always fully coincide in their response to decisive historical events of the period, such as the 1964 military coup in Brazil, collaboration with the military regime and resistance to it. The intellectuals involved with the Brazilian journal were active in the ongoing social struggles, shifting from strong anti-communist positions, favourable to what they called the '1964 revolution,' to the later formulation of criticism of the military regime, opening up the journal to collaboration of social scientists considered left-wing, without losing the opportunity to accommodate the demands of the regime in power.


1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-41
Author(s):  
Osvaldo Soriano

After seven years in exile, an Argentinian writer flies back and records his feelings as he discovers the strangeness and familiarity of Buenos Aires In October 1983, Argentina held presidential and parliamentary elections after more than seven years of military dictatorship. Since 1976, many thousands of Argentinians have been forced into exile by the repressive policies of the military ‘Process of National Re-organisation’. Among these was the novelist Osvaldo Soriano, whose two books Triste, Solitario y Final and No Habrá más Penas ni Olvido were first published in France (in 1978 and 1980). The military regime in Argentina began to crumble after the disastrous 1982 Malvinas/Falklands adventure and the blatant failure of their economic management. As the democratic forces regrouped for the elections, Soriano, like many other exiles, returned to discover a familiar but strange Argentina, struggling to overcome the nightmares of the previous seven years.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. a9en
Author(s):  
Raphael Diego Greenhalgh

Censorship in the Military Dictatorship has its origins in the processes of repression of the press institutionalized in the Estado Novo. In the military government, in addition to prior censorship, there was also a widespread repression on the media, based on methods such as: surveillance, harassment and punishment of journalists, and coercion of the press through tax audits and advertising control, among other means. The paper aims to analyze the relationship between the great national press, leading local press and journalists based in Brasilia, with the censorship apparatus of the military regime. Based on an exploratory and descriptive research, with a qualitative approach, it used archival materials from institutions and truth commissions, as well as interviews with journalists. The paper concludes that despite the repression of the great press in Brasília, there were also resistance initiatives.


2018 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Paulo Fontes ◽  
Larissa R. Corrêa

AbstractThis article analyzes recent Brazilian scholarship on workers and trade unions during the military dictatorship (1964–1985), emphasizing the relative absence of studies and the neglect of worker organization. By focusing on working-class agency and the dilemmas the labor movement faced due to the regime's economic policies and fierce repression, this essay offers a better understanding of the political scenario after 1964. The second part of the article examines the themes of the most recent studies about workers and the labor movement during the military regime, emphasizing existing blind spots and future challenges for scholarship.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 115-140
Author(s):  
Sandra Assunção

The Brazilian civil-military dictatorship was revisited by many contemporary novelists, being the literature of that period considered as a form of "dictatorship file" (Figueiredo 2017). The writers Roberto Drummond, in Hitler manda lembranças (1984), and Bernardo Kucinski, in K.Relato de uma busca (2011), put on stage characters who, inserted in the dictatorial period, are tormented by memories of The Second World War. As in an untraceable puzzle, the memory of the Jews persecution during Nazism re-emerges by establishing connections with the military regime in Brazil. Self-fiction or pastiche-like, the two novels propose particular analogies between non-competitive memories and possible traumatic intersections (Rothberg 2018). The narratives’ testimonial character also allows to establish relations between an exogenous past (the immigrant’s) and the national memory. The traumatic past fictionalization seems to contribute to the building of relations between different historical moments and the transference of an intergenerational and affiliative memory (Hirsch 2012)


Subject The rise of far-right support. Significance The far right is a relative newcomer to Brazilian mainstream politics but is becoming a rising force in polls, street protests and social media. Since 2014, as corruption allegations enveloped the country’s then-governing Workers’ Party (PT), small street marches have called for the reinstatement of the military regime that ruled between 1964 and 1985 and ultra-conservative lawmaker Jair Bolsonaro has risen from being an obscure figure to a contender for the 2018 presidential election. Impacts Bolsonaro’s evangelical support may reduce the same groups' backing of environmentalist Marina Silva. Large parties will make uneasy alliances with ultra-conservative factions, leading to rising activism by left-wing movements. Socially conservative parties may succeed in leveraging their political clout to push for policies against abortion and LGBT rights.


Author(s):  
Iván Silva Gatta

Resumen:Este artículo es una aproximación a la temática del golpe militar de 1973 y la experiencia de la izquierda chilena (la Unidad Popular y el MIR) en los primeros años de dictadura (1973 -1977). Específicamente daremos cuenta de cuáles fueron las caracterizaciones, interpretaciones y/o lecturas tempranas desplegadas por dicho sector político, en torno al golpe y la dictadura. Daremos a conocer el proceso de evolución de dichas caracterizaciones a través del tiempo, la forma en la que éstas se mantienen, van cambiando o sistematizándose, a la luz de la información manejada por la izquierda chilena en los primeros años de la dictadura militar.Palabras Clave: Golpe militar, dictadura, izquierda chilena, caracterizaciones tempranas.*************************************************************** The coup d’état and the military dictatorship on the early characterization of Chilean left (1973-1977)AbstractThis article is an approximation to the subject about the military strike in 1973 and the experience of the left wing in Chile (Unidad Popular and MIR), in the early years of the dictatorship (1973 -1977). Specifically, we will show, which were the characterizations, interpretations and the premature readings that were deployed by the left wing, around the strike and the dictatorship. We will expose the evolution process of these characterizations trough the time, and the way that this kept, change or begin to take “shape”, depending on the information managed for the Chilean left in the early years of the dictatorship.Key Words: Military strike, dictatorship, Chilean left wing, early Characterizations.******************************************************O golpe e a ditadura militar nas caracterizações iniciais da esquerda chilena (1973 – 1977)ResumoEste artigo é uma aproximação à temática do golpe militar de 1973 e à experiência da esquerda chilena (a Unidade Popular e o MIR) nos primeiros anos de ditadura (1973 -1977). Especificamente vamos dar conta de quais foram as caracterizações, interpretações e/ou leituras iniciais despregadas pelo referido setor político, em torno do golpe e da ditadura. Vamos dar a conhecer o processo da evolução das mencionadas caracterizações através do tempo, a forma na qual estas se mantêm vão mudando ou sendo sistematizadas à luz da informação manejada pela esquerda chilena nos primeiros anos da ditadura militar.Palavras- chave: Golpe militar, ditadura, esquerda chilena, caracterizações iniciais


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (48) ◽  
pp. 208-229
Author(s):  
Gabriel Saldanha Lula de Medeiros

Este artigo tem como finalidade investigar a respeito do uso da educação como um instrumento político de controle e legitimação de poder durante a ditadura militar brasileira a partir de 1964. A metodologia consiste em uma pesquisa bibliográfica realizada no Google utilizando palavras relacionadas a cada um dos assuntos a serem abordados, além de três livros físicos. Houve o cuidado em não coletar textos que pudessem fazer apologia ao regime autoritário. Após o levantamento bibliográfico de textos produzidos por historiadores, será realizada uma discussão a fim de elucidar a questão, baseando-se na corroboração entre os dados trazidos pelos autores consultados. Conclui-se, por fim, que o regime militar utilizou a educação como instrumento político através da implementação de novas disciplinas cívicas e ufanistas, do controle da produção do material didático, da criação de licenciaturas curtas desprovidas de conhecimento científico aprofundado e do esvaziamento do conteúdo crítico das disciplinas de humanidades. Palavras-chaves: Ditadura militar; Educação; Estudos Sociais; Moral e Cívica; Abstract: This article aims to investigate about the use of education as a political instrument of control and legitimization of power during the Brazilian military dictatorship from 1964. The methodology consists of a bibliographic search on Google using words related to each subject. addressed, as well as a physical book. Care was taken not to collect texts that could make an apology to the authoritarian regime. After the bibliographic survey of texts produced by historians, a discussion will be held in order to elucidate the issue, based on the corroboration between the data brought by the authors consulted. Finally, it is concluded that the military regime used education as a political instrument through the implementation of new civic and ufanist disciplines, the control of the production of didactic material, the creation of short degrees without deep scientific knowledge and the emptying of content. critic of the humanities disciplines. Keywords: Military dictatorship; Education; Social Studies; Moral and Civism.


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