scholarly journals Pakistan's Journey to Civilian Rule (1958-70): An Analysis of Ayub Era

2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Adil Khan ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Abdul Waheed

Pakistan, since its inception, has passed through several phases of transitions to civilian rule and authoritarian reversals. Similar to the pattern of transition between civilian rule and dictatorship, there is a pattern of change within authoritarian Regimes that could be observed in all the three experiences of transition in Pakistan. This paper identifies the pattern of change from military dictatorship to civilian rule from 1958 to 1970. The key questions addressed in this paper are: firstly, how the military regime consolidated its grip on power after the October 1958 coup? Secondly, how early cracks appeared in the military's control over power and matured with the passage of time, resulting in a national crisis? Thirdly, how failure in crises management led to the transition to civilian rule, as well as, the disintegration of the state.

2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 72-79
Author(s):  
Insan Praditya

This paper is a comparison of democracy structure between two Southeast Asian Nations, Indonesia and Myanmar during their early periods of Post-Praetorianism era where the state was controlled and dominated by the military. This paper found that In Indonesia, democratization after reformasi era in 1998 had successfully changed the structure of power, where the military determination in politics had been decline significantly, despite the military still hold the power to influence political and economic affairs. In Myanmar, the democratization was a result of long term transition previously planned by the military regime, so even in 2010 democratic election, the military still hold the control over the politics and tend to preserve their power within the new face of democratic system.     


2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 691
Author(s):  
Felipe Andres Zurita Garrido

Este artículo tiene como objetivo analizar algunas transformaciones sufridas por el sistema educacional chileno durante la Dictadura Militar (1973-1990), desde la perspectiva de la mutación del papel desempeñado por el Estado en el campo educacional. Para lograr dicho objetivo se siguen los siguientes pasos: en un primer momento, se caracteriza el sistema educacional chileno vigente hasta 1973. En un segundo momento, se analizan algunas Políticas Públicas Educacionales de orientación neoliberal diseñadas e implementadas por el equipo económico de la Dictadura Militar. Finalmente, se proponen conclusiones con respecto a los impactos de las acciones desarrolladas por la Dictadura Militar sobre el sistema educacional y el profesorado, resaltando un cuestionamiento en torno a la modificación de la comprensión oficial de lo educativo en el espacio público.Palabras clave: Políticas Públicas Educacionales; Dictadura Militar; Chile. ResumoEste artigo tem como objetivo analisar algumas transformações sofridas pelo sistema educacional chileno durante a Ditadura Militar (1973-1990), na perspectiva da mutação do papel desempenhado pelo Estado no campo educacional. Para atingir este objetivo, seguem-se os seguintes passos: num primeiro momento, é caracterizado o sistema educacional chileno em vigor até 1973. Em um segundo momento, são analisadas algumas Políticas Públicas Educacionais de orientação neoliberal desenhadas e implementadas pela equipe econômica da Ditadura Militar. Finalmente, são propostas conclusões sobre os impactos das ações desenvolvidas pela Ditadura Militar sobre o sistema educacional e o corpo docente, destacando um questionamento sobre a modificação do entendimento oficial da educação no espaço público.Palavras-chave: Políticas Públicas Educacionais; Ditadura Militar; Chile. AbstractThis article aims to analyze some transformations suffered by the chilean educational system during the Military Dictatorship (1973-1990), from the perspective of the mutation of the role played by the State in the educational field. To achieve this goal, the following steps are followed: Initially, the chilean education system in force until 1973 is characterized. In a second moment, some neoliberal-oriented Educational Public Policies designed and implemented by the economic team of the Military Dictatorship are analyzed. Finally, conclusions are proposed regarding the impacts of the actions developed by the Military Dictatorship on the educational system and the teaching staff, highlighting a questioning about the modification of the official understanding of education in public space.Keywords: Public Educational Policies; Military Dictatorship; Chile.


Author(s):  
Marcos Napolitano

Since its establishment in 1889, the history of the Brazilian republic was marked by the centrality of the armed forces, particularly the army, in political life. But between 1964 and 1985, the military was in direct command of the state, imposing indirectly elected generals as president. After overthrowing the reformist center-left government of João Goulart on March 31, 1964, the military installed a tutelary authoritarian regime to control civil society and the political system, serving as a political model for similar regimes in Latin America during the Cold War. The military passed arbitrary laws and severely repressed left-wing political groups and social movements while also seeking to accelerate capitalist development and the “national integration” of Brazil’s vast territory. They intended to modernize Brazilian industry and carry out bold infrastructure projects. On the other hand, they faced strong opposition from civil society, led by political groups, artists, intellectuals, and press outlets of diverse ideological backgrounds (Marxists, liberals, socialists, and progressive Catholics). These groups were divided between total refusal to negotiate with the military and critical adherence to the policies of the generals’ governments, composing a complex relationship between society and the state. Understanding the role of the military regime in Brazilian history requires a combination of historical research and historiographic criticism in light of the disputes over memory that continue to divide social and political actors.


2019 ◽  
pp. 61-70
Author(s):  
Lidwien Kapteijns

This chapter discusses why the campaign of clan cleansing of 1991–1992 was a key shift in the Somali civil war and remains the major break-line underlying Somali national politics today. It then lays out three principles that might help avoid simply redrawing the lines along which the civil war was fought, and concludes with recommendations for three tangible steps towards peace and reconciliation. At the heart of the mistrust and mutual rejection in Somalia today lie the actions of former leaders of the United Somali Congress and Somali National Movement, who resorted to clan-based killings and expulsions in order to cover up their past complicity with the military regime; spun false clan histories to rebrand themselves as heroic leaders of their clans; and then tried to establish authority over parts of the state and country in the name of clan.


2021 ◽  
pp. 073401682110380
Author(s):  
Eduardo Saad-Diniz

The essay aims to exam corporate complicity with authoritarian regimes of the past and contemporary practices for the purposes of developing the body of corporate criminology. The opening of Brazilian criminological research to the role of companies during the military regime shines new lights on corporate accountability and may, when investigating the corporate complicity with authoritarian dynamics, also open new avenues for the transitional justice studies. Especially with regard to the idea of Corporate Transitional Justice, it assumes the need for broader debates about the historical continuum and different forms of business contributions and aspects of harming and victimizing in the corporate field.


1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-41
Author(s):  
Osvaldo Soriano

After seven years in exile, an Argentinian writer flies back and records his feelings as he discovers the strangeness and familiarity of Buenos Aires In October 1983, Argentina held presidential and parliamentary elections after more than seven years of military dictatorship. Since 1976, many thousands of Argentinians have been forced into exile by the repressive policies of the military ‘Process of National Re-organisation’. Among these was the novelist Osvaldo Soriano, whose two books Triste, Solitario y Final and No Habrá más Penas ni Olvido were first published in France (in 1978 and 1980). The military regime in Argentina began to crumble after the disastrous 1982 Malvinas/Falklands adventure and the blatant failure of their economic management. As the democratic forces regrouped for the elections, Soriano, like many other exiles, returned to discover a familiar but strange Argentina, struggling to overcome the nightmares of the previous seven years.


2014 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 544-564 ◽  
Author(s):  
Federico Battera

This article argues that differences in Arab authoritarian regimes were mainly linked to the relationship between the state, the political party in power and the military. By exploring such differences in Tunisia, Egypt and Syria prior to the 2011 crisis, they are explained in the context of the political changes that ensued in the wake of the crisis. How the army played the dual role of instigating change while impeding it at crucial points in the transitional process is described. The mutual lack of autonomy between the state, the party and the military appears to have been a key factor in impeding change, whereas a clear separation of the functions of these institutions was more likely to enable political change to come about.


2013 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 337-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sharon Erickson Nepstad

Recent studies of civil resistance indicate that security force defections can heavily influence the outcome of nonviolent uprisings against authoritarian regimes. Yet we know little about why, when, and how mutiny occurs. In this article, I ask: what factors influence the likelihood of military defections during a nonviolent conflict? In reviewing various literatures, I identify ten factors that facilitate or obstruct mutiny. I propose that two of these are particularly influential: (1) whether troops receive economic or political benefits from the regime; and (2) whether troops perceive the regime as fragile, based on the international community’s response to the conflict. Specifically, I argue that troops who receive benefits from a regime are more likely to remain loyal while those who receive no such benefits are more likely to defect. However, even the most underprivileged troops are unlikely to defect if they believe that the state is strong enough to withstand a major civilian uprising. Soldiers’ perception of regime strength is partly shaped by whether outside nations support the opposition, thereby weakening the state, or send troops to reinforce the regime’s control. Using a qualitative comparative method, I illustrate these dynamics through an examination of several Arab Spring uprisings: Egypt, where the military sided with civil resisters; Bahrain, where troops remained loyal to the state; and Syria, where the military split. Then, to encourage more research on this topic, I use these three cases to generate additional hypotheses about defections that others can test against a wider set of cases. I conclude with a discussion of the questions that future researchers should explore and the types of methodological approaches that are needed in this field of study.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. a9en
Author(s):  
Raphael Diego Greenhalgh

Censorship in the Military Dictatorship has its origins in the processes of repression of the press institutionalized in the Estado Novo. In the military government, in addition to prior censorship, there was also a widespread repression on the media, based on methods such as: surveillance, harassment and punishment of journalists, and coercion of the press through tax audits and advertising control, among other means. The paper aims to analyze the relationship between the great national press, leading local press and journalists based in Brasilia, with the censorship apparatus of the military regime. Based on an exploratory and descriptive research, with a qualitative approach, it used archival materials from institutions and truth commissions, as well as interviews with journalists. The paper concludes that despite the repression of the great press in Brasília, there were also resistance initiatives.


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