scholarly journals Ditadura militar brasileira: a educação como instrumento de poder / Brazilian Military dictatorship: The Education as an instrument of Power

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (48) ◽  
pp. 208-229
Author(s):  
Gabriel Saldanha Lula de Medeiros

Este artigo tem como finalidade investigar a respeito do uso da educação como um instrumento político de controle e legitimação de poder durante a ditadura militar brasileira a partir de 1964. A metodologia consiste em uma pesquisa bibliográfica realizada no Google utilizando palavras relacionadas a cada um dos assuntos a serem abordados, além de três livros físicos. Houve o cuidado em não coletar textos que pudessem fazer apologia ao regime autoritário. Após o levantamento bibliográfico de textos produzidos por historiadores, será realizada uma discussão a fim de elucidar a questão, baseando-se na corroboração entre os dados trazidos pelos autores consultados. Conclui-se, por fim, que o regime militar utilizou a educação como instrumento político através da implementação de novas disciplinas cívicas e ufanistas, do controle da produção do material didático, da criação de licenciaturas curtas desprovidas de conhecimento científico aprofundado e do esvaziamento do conteúdo crítico das disciplinas de humanidades. Palavras-chaves: Ditadura militar; Educação; Estudos Sociais; Moral e Cívica; Abstract: This article aims to investigate about the use of education as a political instrument of control and legitimization of power during the Brazilian military dictatorship from 1964. The methodology consists of a bibliographic search on Google using words related to each subject. addressed, as well as a physical book. Care was taken not to collect texts that could make an apology to the authoritarian regime. After the bibliographic survey of texts produced by historians, a discussion will be held in order to elucidate the issue, based on the corroboration between the data brought by the authors consulted. Finally, it is concluded that the military regime used education as a political instrument through the implementation of new civic and ufanist disciplines, the control of the production of didactic material, the creation of short degrees without deep scientific knowledge and the emptying of content. critic of the humanities disciplines. Keywords: Military dictatorship; Education; Social Studies; Moral and Civism.

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 09-22
Author(s):  
Rodrigo Pinto de Andrade ◽  
Rogerio De Almeida Souza

Este texto tem como objetivo analisar a vida e a obra de Jaime Nelson Wright (1927-1999), pastor presbiteriano, opositor do regime militar no Brasil e intelectual engajado na luta pela defesa dos direitos humanos. Foi uma das vozes que mais combateu a ditadura militar no interior do protestantismo brasileiro. Desde a deflagração do golpe em 1964, fez a opção político/religiosa de não aderir ao regime autoritário. Wright se vinculou ao movimento estudantil e dedicou-se ao amparo religioso/pastoral dos perseguidos políticos. Sua contribuição como intelectual, perpassa o campo religioso. Ele atuou junto aos organismos internacionais voltados para a defesa dos direitos humanos e fundamentais à vida e denunciou as atrocidades do regime militar no Brasil. Para a efetivação da pesquisa foram utilizadas as seguintes fontes: documentos e imagens disponibilizados pelo projeto Brasil: Nunca Mais; jornais da época: entrevistas e matérias; decretos e leis. Os dados revelados pelas fontes indicam que a vida e obra de Jaime Wright contribuíram decisivamente para o processo de redemocratização do Brasil. This text analyzes the life and work of Jaime Nelson Wright (1927-1999), a Presbyterian pastor, a fierce opponent of the military regime in Brazil, and intellectually engaged in the struggle for the defense of human rights. He was one of the voices that most fought the military dictatorship in the Brazilian Protestant movement. Since the outbreak of the coup in 1964, he made the political and religious choice of not joining the authoritarian regime. Wright joined the student movement and dedicated himself to the religious support of the politically persecuted. His contribution as a committed intellectual goes beyond the clerical field. He was involved with international organizations dedicated to the defense of human rights and the fundamental rights to life. He also exposed the military regime's atrocities. For the realization of the research were used the following sources: documents and images made available by the Project Brazil: Never Again; newspapers of the time: interviews and stories; decrees and laws. The data revealed by the sources, indicate the life and work of Jaime Wright contributed in a decisive way to the re-democratization process in the Brazilian society.


2016 ◽  
Vol I (I) ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Adil Khan ◽  
Manzoor Ahmad ◽  
Abdul Waheed

Pakistan, since its inception, has passed through several phases of transitions to civilian rule and authoritarian reversals. Similar to the pattern of transition between civilian rule and dictatorship, there is a pattern of change within authoritarian Regimes that could be observed in all the three experiences of transition in Pakistan. This paper identifies the pattern of change from military dictatorship to civilian rule from 1958 to 1970. The key questions addressed in this paper are: firstly, how the military regime consolidated its grip on power after the October 1958 coup? Secondly, how early cracks appeared in the military's control over power and matured with the passage of time, resulting in a national crisis? Thirdly, how failure in crises management led to the transition to civilian rule, as well as, the disintegration of the state.


Author(s):  
Anthony W. Pereira

‘Dictatorship and repression’ assesses the twenty-one-year dictatorship in Brazil from 1964 to 1985. A result of tensions in the second republic of 1945–64, the coup that created the Brazilian dictatorship occurred in 1964. The subsequent authoritarian regime in Brazil was also distinctive; in the first four years, the regime oversaw a process of conservative modernization of the economy. However, the repression of the military regime reached its peak from 1969 to 1974, when disappearances, executions, and torture took place amidst the clamp-down engendered by the passage of Institutional Act Number 5 (AI-5). The chapter then looks at the legacy of the Brazilian dictatorship.


1984 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 40-41
Author(s):  
Osvaldo Soriano

After seven years in exile, an Argentinian writer flies back and records his feelings as he discovers the strangeness and familiarity of Buenos Aires In October 1983, Argentina held presidential and parliamentary elections after more than seven years of military dictatorship. Since 1976, many thousands of Argentinians have been forced into exile by the repressive policies of the military ‘Process of National Re-organisation’. Among these was the novelist Osvaldo Soriano, whose two books Triste, Solitario y Final and No Habrá más Penas ni Olvido were first published in France (in 1978 and 1980). The military regime in Argentina began to crumble after the disastrous 1982 Malvinas/Falklands adventure and the blatant failure of their economic management. As the democratic forces regrouped for the elections, Soriano, like many other exiles, returned to discover a familiar but strange Argentina, struggling to overcome the nightmares of the previous seven years.


2019 ◽  
Vol 278 (3) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Alynne Nayara Ferreira Nunes ◽  
Rafael Viotti Schlobach

<p>The extent of states’ constitution-making power according to the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court: case-law during the military regime (1964-85)</p><p> </p><p>O presente artigo objetiva examinar a jurisprudência do Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) acerca dos limites ao poder constituinte estadual, durante o período autoritário e centralizador do regime militar (1964-85). Em seguida, pretendemos comparar os resultados com a jurisprudência atual, sob a vigência da Constituição Federal de 1988, que atribuiu maior autonomia e competências aos estados-membros, segundo a pesquisa de Schlobach (2014). Concluímos que, no período autoritário, o STF adotou jurisprudência restritiva relativa ao âmbito de atuação dos poderes constituintes, ressalvados os ministros Aliomar Baleeiro e Victor Nunes Leal, que se destacaram por ficarem vencidos e por defenderem maior autonomia aos constituintes estaduais. Ao final do regime, o STF desenvolveu argumentos para estimular o federalismo cooperativo, que, no entanto, não foi observado durante o período pós-CF/88, no qual a Corte manteve referências à jurisprudência do período militar.</p><p> </p><p>This article aims to examine the case-law of the Brazilian Supreme Federal Court about the limits to the constituent power of member States during the authoritarian and centralizing military regime (1964-1985). Afterwards, we compared the results with the current case-law, under the Federal Constitution of 1988, which attributed more autonomy and competences to the States, according to the research made by Schlobach (2014). We concluded that, in the authoritarian regime, the Supreme Federal Court developed a restrictive case-law about the scope of action of the States’ constituent powers, except for Justices Aliomar Baleeiro and Victor Nunes Leal, which stood out by their dissenting opinions and their defense of more autonomy to the constituent powers. At the end of the regime, the Supreme Federal Court developed arguments in favor of a cooperative federalism, which was not, however, observed after 1988, period when the Court still referred to the military regime case-law.</p>


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. a9en
Author(s):  
Raphael Diego Greenhalgh

Censorship in the Military Dictatorship has its origins in the processes of repression of the press institutionalized in the Estado Novo. In the military government, in addition to prior censorship, there was also a widespread repression on the media, based on methods such as: surveillance, harassment and punishment of journalists, and coercion of the press through tax audits and advertising control, among other means. The paper aims to analyze the relationship between the great national press, leading local press and journalists based in Brasilia, with the censorship apparatus of the military regime. Based on an exploratory and descriptive research, with a qualitative approach, it used archival materials from institutions and truth commissions, as well as interviews with journalists. The paper concludes that despite the repression of the great press in Brasília, there were also resistance initiatives.


2018 ◽  
Vol 93 ◽  
pp. 27-51
Author(s):  
Paulo Fontes ◽  
Larissa R. Corrêa

AbstractThis article analyzes recent Brazilian scholarship on workers and trade unions during the military dictatorship (1964–1985), emphasizing the relative absence of studies and the neglect of worker organization. By focusing on working-class agency and the dilemmas the labor movement faced due to the regime's economic policies and fierce repression, this essay offers a better understanding of the political scenario after 1964. The second part of the article examines the themes of the most recent studies about workers and the labor movement during the military regime, emphasizing existing blind spots and future challenges for scholarship.


2021 ◽  
Vol 45 ◽  
pp. 115-140
Author(s):  
Sandra Assunção

The Brazilian civil-military dictatorship was revisited by many contemporary novelists, being the literature of that period considered as a form of "dictatorship file" (Figueiredo 2017). The writers Roberto Drummond, in Hitler manda lembranças (1984), and Bernardo Kucinski, in K.Relato de uma busca (2011), put on stage characters who, inserted in the dictatorial period, are tormented by memories of The Second World War. As in an untraceable puzzle, the memory of the Jews persecution during Nazism re-emerges by establishing connections with the military regime in Brazil. Self-fiction or pastiche-like, the two novels propose particular analogies between non-competitive memories and possible traumatic intersections (Rothberg 2018). The narratives’ testimonial character also allows to establish relations between an exogenous past (the immigrant’s) and the national memory. The traumatic past fictionalization seems to contribute to the building of relations between different historical moments and the transference of an intergenerational and affiliative memory (Hirsch 2012)


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (42) ◽  
pp. 173
Author(s):  
José Carlos Fernandes ◽  
Agnes Do Amaral

Durante a primeira década da ditadura-civil militar, uma editora curitibana – a Grafipar –, de propriedade de uma família muçulmana, deixa de publicar livros de história e atlas e passa a investir no ramo de “revistas adultas”. Torna-se um polo nacional do gênero, chegando ao ápice de 49 títulos, 1,5 milhão de exemplares mês e 1,5 mil cartas/mês de leitores. Entre seus colaboradores, jornalistas malvistos pelo regime e intelectuais à esquerda, como os poetas Paulo Leminski e Alice Ruiz. Em meio aos então chamados “nus artísticos”, uma pequena de rede de intelectuais, de forma anônima, orientava a redação, num claro combate ao obscurantismo. Este artigo explora a resistência jornalística e intelectual disfarçada no conteúdo erótico. E o “lugar difícil” da qualificação desse material, que ficou à margem da chamada imprensa alternativa. Imprensa alternativa; revistas eróticas; comportamento. During the first decade of brazilian military dictatorship, a publishing house from Curitiba - Grafipar -, owned by a muslim family, stopped publishing history books and atlas and started to invest in adult themed magazines. Grafipar became a renowned publisher of this genre, reaching the peak of 49 titles, 1.5 million copies per month and 1.5 thousand letters from readers per month. Among the contributors were journalists that were frowned upon by the military regime and left-wing intellectuals, such as the poets Paulo Leminski and Alice Ruiz. Amid the “nude art”, a small net of intellectuals, anonymously, guided the editorial, in a clear fight against obscurantism. This article explores the journalistic and intellectual resistance disguised as erotic content and the difficulty to qualify this material, which were on the sidelines of the so called alternative press. Alternativa press; erotic magazines; behavior. Durante la primera década de la dictadura civil militar, una editora curitibana - la Grafipar -, de propriedad de una familia muzulmana, deja de publicar libros de história y atlas y comienza a invertir en el ramo de las "revistas adultas". Volviendose un polo nacional del género, llegando al ápice de 49 títulos, 1,5 millones de ejemplares al mes y 1,5 mil cartas/mes de lectores. Entre sus contribuyentes, periodistas malvistos por el régimen e intelectuales de izquierda, como los poetas Paulo Leminski y Alice Ruiz. En médio a los llamados desnudos artísticos, una pequeña red de intelectuales, de forma anónima, guiaba la redacción, en un claro combate al oscurantismo. Este artículo explora la resistencia periodística e intelectual disfrazada en el contenido erótico. Y el "lugar difícil" de la calificación de ese material, que quedó al margen de la llamada prensa alternativa. Prensa alternativa; revistas eróticas; comportamento.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 61-68
Author(s):  
Marcella Vieira Viana

O presente artigo visa analisar a atuação da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá, durante a ditadura civil-militar no Brasil, em específico, como se deu a deliberação de apoio da entidade ao golpe. Para tanto, foi necessário analisar as peculiaridades da recepção do regime autoritário no então Território Federal do Amapá, o Movimento Estudantil de forma ampla, os aspectos constitutivos da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá, suas divisões e seu desenvolvimento diante do golpe. O objetivo com isso, foi traçar as correspondências existentes entre esses aspectos e as ações de apoio que se sucederam em nome da entidade. O artigo baseou-se em fontes bibliográficas sobre o tema e em depoimentos cedidos pela Comissão Estadual da Verdade do Amapá, disponibilizados durante a construção do relatório publicado no ano de 2017. Dentre os resultados, foi possível visualizar que a atuação da União dos Estudantes Secundaristas do Amapá foi bem mais do que um apoio ao regime militar, mas fora heterogênea, e teve sua trajetória ligada a características do território, ao poder, ao regionalismo, às classes e muitos outros aspectos que influenciaram a tomada de decisões de grupos dentro da entidade. This article aims to analyze the performance of the Amapá Union of Secondary Students during the civil-military dictatorship in Brazil, specifically, how the deliberation of support of the entity to the coup took place. For that, it was necessary to analyze the peculiarities of the reception of the authoritarian regime in the then Federal Territory of Amapá, the Student Movement in a broad way, the constitutive aspects of the Amapá Union of Secondary Students, its divisions and its development in the face of the coup. The objective was to trace the correspondence between these aspects and the support actions that followed on behalf of the entity. The article was based on bibliographic sources on the subject and on testimonials provided by the Amapá State Truth Commission, which were made available during the construction of the report published in 2017. Among the results, it was possible to visualize that Amapá Union of Secondary Students performance was much more than a support to the military regime, but it had been heterogeneous and had its trajectory linked to characteristics of the territory, power, regionalism, classes and many other aspects that influenced the decision making of groups within the entity.


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