Collective action and the common enemy effect

2014 ◽  
Vol 27 (5) ◽  
pp. 644-664 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kris De Jaegher ◽  
Britta Hoyer

Soon after his accession to the English throne William’s two navies started combined operations against the common enemy France. The Nine Years War had broken out, and this was followed after a short interval by the War of the Spanish Succession. Combined naval operations by two allies were nothing uncommon in those days. Anglo- French fleets had fought the Dutch in no fewer than four fierce battles in 1672 and 1673. French and Dutch squadrons had cooperated against the English Navy in 1666, and much earlier in 1596 and 16252727 Anglo- Dutch fleets jointly attacked Spanish ports (1). In these examples cooperation never lasted long nor was it very close. Problems concerning the command structure were seldom satisfactorily solved. Allies regularly changed sides during the 17th century. The Glorious Revolution, however, can be treated as a turning point. England became involved in a generations-long struggle against France. The Dutch Republic under William III had already started to fight Louis XIV’s urge for expansion, more than 15 years earlier. Both countries almost became traditional allies. Right from the beginning in 1689 detailed arrangements were made for naval cooperation, long-standing ones as later developments showed.


1974 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Pettman

Zambia inherited a system of government and administration in 1964 which was ill-suited to the tasks of political development to which her new leaders were dedicated. What little national unity and mobilisation had been achieved in the independence struggle declined with the removal of the common enemy. The Government rested on a fragile base, without the support of agreed rules and practices to limit and contain conflict, and without adequate instruments available for the implementation of its policies. So the search began for a more suitable political system, which could cope with the new needs of independence, and provide for the stability of the state and the survival of the Government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 6 (12) ◽  
pp. 139-148
Author(s):  
Horacio Foladori

Pensar un marco para el trabajo en psicología comunitaria supone reflexionar acerca de la idea de lo común en un espacio donde el movimiento de diseñar un proyecto implica cambios tanto en el entorno como en el grupo que lo sostiene. Por ello, cierto tránsito entre el yo y el nosotros no puede ser soslayado, ya que crea una manera de escuchar los cambios en la conciencia de sí mismo y de los otros que están involucrados en el proceso.Para ello se ha de recurrir a herramientas grupales tanto teóricas como a dispositivos de trabajo que vayan mostrando los avatares de este devenir siempre espinoso.Más allá, ocurre que todo grupo tiene una inserción institucional por lo que su construcción no es ajena a la problemática del poder (interno y externo ) que funciona como una variable determinante que interfiere en el accionar del colectivo.Finalmente se propone un esquema para pensar la articulación de estos factores. To think of a Community Psychology framework requieres reflecting on the idea of the common in a space where the movement for designing a project implies changes in the environment and in the group that supports it. This is why a certain transit between the I and the we cannot be circumspect because it allows a way of hearing the shifts in awareness of oneself and of others involved in the process. For this it is necessary to draw upon theory and work device group tools that can reveal the avatars of this always thorny becoming.Moreover, all groups have an institutional insertion. Therefore, their construction is not unrelated to the problematic of power (internal and external) that functions as a determining variable that interferes in the collective action.


2021 ◽  
Vol 94 (4) ◽  
pp. 683-706
Author(s):  
Barry Sautman

In COVID-19's first months, US politicians and media forecast that a contrast between Chinese deception and incapability and Western success against the pandemic might fatally sink internal confidence in China's party-state. They also predicted that it would diminish China externally, as it came to be seen as endangering the world by spreading biological pollution. A "China's Chernobyl" prediction became the latest "China collapse" wish-fulfillment. This speculation rests on two contradictory yet co-existing Yellow Peril tropes: "deceit and incompetence" and "world domination." However, no empirical basis exists for either notion: China prevailed against the pandemic and lacks the capacity for global hegemony. "China's Chernobyl" is most relevant then as a wish that creates a belief, that China should and could collapse. That in turn bolsters the US-led mobilization to counter China as a "strong competitor" and frames China as the common enemy, thereby promoting Western transnational and US internal cohesion.


2021 ◽  
Vol 28 (3) ◽  
pp. 369-386
Author(s):  
Nancy Whittier

This article develops a framework for conceptualizing the emotional dimensions of coalitions, with particular focus on how power operates through emotion in different varieties of feminist coalitions. The article proposes three interrelated areas in which emotion shapes feminist coalitions: (1) Feelings towards coalition partners: feelings of mistrust, anger, fear, or their reverse grow from histories of interaction and unequal power. These make up the emotional landscape of intersectional coalitions, which operate through a tension between negative emotions and attempts at empathy or mutual acceptance; (2) Shared feelings: feminist coalitions build on shared fear of threat or anger at a common enemy; and (3) emergent emotions in collective action. Coalition partners possess distinct emotion cultures. Joint collective action can cement bonds when all participants’ emotion cultures are reflected, or weaken coalitions when the reverse is true. In all three of these areas, organizers engage in emotional labour in order to create or maintain coalitions. These three dynamics are illustrated with examples from intersectional feminist coalitions, the Women’s Marches, and interactions between feminists and conservatives opposed to pornography.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Tri Wahyuning M. Irsyam

This article discusses Christianization in Bali during the late XIX until XX century that was not only become religious phenomena, but also the pragmatical of government policy. It is compiled with historical method. According to the study, it can be delivered that Bali in the Dutch colonial era was in a tense situation. It was not only because the new religion came from the other parts of the world and therefore considered as alien by the local community based on Hinduism, but also discrimination against the zending institution conducted by the colonial regime. In the macro policy level, the government put into zending and mission became counterpart as well as media to conquer and civilize the colonies in order to face of Islamic radicalism as a common enemy. However, the government viewed that Bali as a strategic partner against the common enemy. Christianization was feared to lead a strong rejection from the Balinese people and ultimately led to resistance of the government. Therefore, the government prohibited zending in Bali despite the reasons that were not commonly found in the dominant politics of cultural preservation. 


Author(s):  
Paul Spicker

The model of civic republicanism is associated with a range of principles: a concept of the common good, citizenship, a presumption of civic virtue and freedom. The idea of radical democracy is strongly associated with a sense of active citizenship, engagement in a political community and collective action. At times, however, it tips into populism, which claims to pit a virtuous people against a corrupt elite, but risks bringing radical democracy into disrepute.


Author(s):  
Paul Spicker

Thinking collectively is a book about the meaning, implications and value of collectivism in social policy. Collectivism is not a single, unitary idea; it covers a wide range of approaches that depend on the importance of groups and organisations in social life. Substantive collectivism is the idea that we live, not as 'individuals', but as the members of social groups, like families, neighbourhoods and communities, and that many of our actions are done together with others in organisations and social institutions. Methodological collectivism looks for explanations and patterns of behaviour not in the actions of individual human beings, but in the actions of groups. Moral collectivism begins from the premise that collective social groups - families, businesses, institutions, governments and countries - are moral agents; that they have rights and responsibilities, that groups as well as individuals can take moral action, and that the morality of their actions can sensibly be assessed in those terms. Collective action is defined, not by what is to be done, but how. The practice of collective action, and the character of provision made, tend in their turn to influence the kinds of things that people want their services to do. Democratic deliberation, voice and empowerment become the expectation and practice of public services; co-operation, working together, sharing and solidarity come to be seen as virtues in themselves. The book makes a case for a collective approach to the common weal, based on society, the common good, solidarity, stewardship, rights, equality and a sense of common enterprise.


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