41. In the Case Concerning Verification of the Constitutionality of the Federal Law of 15 April 1998 “On Cultural Valuables Transferred to the USSR as the Result of the Second World War and Located on the Territory of the Russian Federation”

2001 ◽  
Vol 37 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-53
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-161
Author(s):  
ELENA MARUSHIAKOVA ◽  
VESSELIN POPOV

This article traces the beginning of Romani literature. It focuses on the work of Alexander Germano in the context of the history of a unique Romani literacy project developed in the USSR before the Second World War. It shows the peculiarity of the Soviet Romani literature and in particular the personal activities and contributions of Germano, the man considered the progenitor of contemporary Romani literature (with works in all three main genres of literature: poetry, prose, and drama). The study is based on a number of years of archival work in a variety of archives in the Russian Federation and to a great extent in Alexander Germano’s personal archive, preserved in the town of Orel (Russian Federation). The documents studied allow us to clarify the blurred spots in his biography, to reveal his ethnic background and identity, and to highlight the reason for the success of the Romani literary project. The example of Germano shows that the beginning of a national literature depends on the significance and public impact of the literary work of a particular author, and is not necessarily related to the author’s ethnic origin and identity.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (6/1) ◽  
pp. 13-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg V. GRIGORIEV

The article is devoted to questions of distortion of historical events in the modern world, which became a real weapon used in the war “for the minds of people”. According to the author, such a war, with the use of a wide arsenal of information and psychological means, against the Russian Federation has long been under way. The author is worried about the fact that in the Chinese media recently extensive information propaganda aimed at advancing Chinese historians’ assessments of the significance of the Chinese army during the Second World War and, thus, undermining the role of the Soviet Union in the victory over militaristic Japan. The author argues that this cannot be regarded as a well-thought out strategic information operation whose ultimate goal is to form the international public opinion on the recognition of China’s decisive value in Second World War. It is anticipated that this will provide China with a moral right to occupy a dominant position in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as additional opportunities to qualify for leadership in the modern international security system. The article examines some historical aspects of China’s role in the victory over militaristic Japan. A brief description of the assistance of the Soviet Union of China during the Second World War is given. The paper argues that the Chinese side maintained superiority in the fight against Japan, in connection with which it suffered a 35millionth loss. The author cites the opinion of the Russian military historians who believe that judging the contribution of one or another party only in terms of the number of victims does not seem to be quite correct, both from the militarypolitical point of view and purely psychological position. In conclusion, the article concludes that existing disagreements in approaches and assessments need to be eliminated on the principles of good-neighborliness and mutual respect. This requires active and consolidated performances by Russian and Chinese scientists and specialists at different levels, media support and other significant actions based on the agreed position of the leadership of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China.


Author(s):  
V. G. Kiknadze

One of the negative phenomena of the modern world are attempts to falsify history and the results of the Second World War, 1939-1945., is an important component of the ideological confrontation in the information space of neoliberal forces of Russian society with patriotic and non-violent, is a tool for achieving geopolitical goals of a number of states. United States, European Union and Ukraine tend to distort the results of the Second World War to remove the history of the Great Patriotic War, the feat of the Soviet people, who saved the world from fascism, and the Soviet Union (Russian Federation), together with Nazi Germany put in the dock of history, accusing all the troubles of the XX century. At the same time attempts to rehabilitate fascism and substitution postwar realities lead to the destruction of the entire system of contemporary international relations and, as a consequence, to the intensification of the struggle for the redivision of the world, including military measures. China is actively implementing the historiography of the statement that World War II began June 7, 1937 and is linked to an open aggression of Japan against China. Given these circumstances, the Military Doctrine of the Russian Federation noted that the trend of displacement of military dangers and military threats in the information space and the inner sphere of the Russian Federation. The main internal risks attributable activity information impact on the population, especially young citizens of the country, which has the aim of undermining the historical, spiritual and patriotic traditions in the field of defense of the Fatherland.


Author(s):  
П.Д. Буш

Статья посвящена проектам мемориальной консервации руин, ставших следствием военных действий на территории Российской Федерации и постсоветского пространства. Рассматривается намеренное напоминание об ужасах Второй мировой войны в архитектурных проектах консервации. Анализируются подходы к консервации и реконструкции руин в зависимости от места расположения и истории руинированного объекта. Рассмотрены примеры мемориальной консервации и музеефикации разрушенных объектов таких городов постсоветского пространства, как Волгоград, Брест, Воронеж, Севастополь, Москва. The article is devoted to the projects of memorial conservation of war ruins in Russian Federation and post-Soviet area. Attention to the horrors of the Second World War in architectural projects is considered. Approaches to the conservation and reconstruction of ruin objects are being developed in the article. Examples of memorial conservation and museums of the ruins of military destruction of such cities of the post-Soviet space as Volgograd, Brest, Voronezh, Sevastopol, Moscow are considered.


Author(s):  
D.Z BAKHSHIEV ◽  

The article says that the "Russian question" will always be a "stumbling block" in relations between American and European NATO partners. And if Americans, out of habit, find it beneficial to remove any conflicts, including local military ones, from their borders as much as possible, and there is no better field for battle, from which the American speculators will once again emerge victorious than Europe, then Europeans in this Europe - to live taking into account the interests of such a political giant as the Russian Federation. In this regard, the political figures of Putin and Trump in Europe traditionally cause a great public outcry, and following or confrontation with the political positions of both unites and leads political figures from the largest and strategically important countries of Europe (Germany, France, Poland, Ukraine). The United States needs NATO as a conduit for its foreign policy and as a chain dog that will not allow Russia to regain the political gains of the Second World War lost in the 1990s, as well as significant political influence in the countries of Eastern Europe and the former Soviet republics.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-333 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Kennedy Grimsted

AbstractThe return of captured French archives—not art—ignited debate in the Russian Duma in the spring of 1994, leading to the passage of the 1998 Federal Law “On Cultural Valuables Displaced to the USSR as a Result of the Second World War and Located on the Territory of the Russian Federation.” Yet, a decade since the law was signed, there have been five cases of captured archives from the Second World War returned to Western European countries, as explained in the recent book, Returned from Russia. The aim of this article is to examine major factors involved in the restitution of archives from Russia, and why amid the politics of restitution the return of archives has been more successful than art.The article first successively examines the major factors involved, namely, foreign political pressure; the underlying support of international law, both in specific instruments and historical archival practice; the circumstances and Soviet aims of archival plunder; the present contrast with Soviet political ideology and alignments; the fact that Russian archivists were more willing to return their loot than museum directors; and that archival returns were easier to conform to the 1998 law, because the receiving countries were willing to offer the “compensation” Russian archivists were demanding. Country by country, first in Western Europe starting with France and now Austria and Greece, archives have been going home, but so far only a few symbolic files from Germany have been returned. A final section of the article briefly singles out the captured records from several other countries remaining in Moscow, including many Jewish records, even some representing Holocaust losses.


2018 ◽  
pp. 152-160
Author(s):  
Rósa Magnúsdóttir

The epilogue emphasizes the importance of the memory of the wartime alliance in the post-Stalin era and beyond. The war effort had earned the Soviet Union its superpower status and celebrating the wartime alliance was effective both as a part of the international peace campaign, but also as a way to show off Soviet accomplishments. The Soviet-American war alliance has also been used for political purposes in the twenty-first century, with both the Russian Federation and the United States celebrating the “spirit of the Elbe.” While the Kremlin remains distrustful of artistic narratives of the wartime alliance, Russia is still unique in terms of celebrating and commemorating not just the end of the Second World War, but the wartime alliance itself.


2018 ◽  
pp. 253-274
Author(s):  
Taras Tkachuk

The article touches upon the analysis of the main approaches to the consideration of one of the key events in international relations on the eve of the Second World War – the Munich Agreement of 1938. Particular attention is paid to the stereotypes of the British appeasement policy, which supposedly meant that Germany could not be defeated as a «scared bull», but instead, with the help of diplomacy, its aggression could be sent to another side. In this respect, during the time of N. Chamberlain’s tenure as British Prime Minister, many critics spoke against such a strategy of the British foreign policy and the above-mentioned agreement as its main showcase. Therefore, the article focuses on all the circumstances that led to the signing of the Munich Agreement, analyzes the positions of both signatory states of the treaty and those countries that had an indirect influence on the solution of the Czechoslovak problem. It is argued that one should not blame soloely Chamberlain for mistakes made in Munich: one should also take into account the position of E. Daladier’s French government and the pacifist attitudes of most Britons who did not want to fight for solving the internal political problems of a foreign state. To this end, it is necessary to note the undeniable victory of the Nazi diplomacy, the activities of which were directed specifically at the spread of panic in Europe, while Germany itself was unprepared for the war. Finally, the article draws parallels between the events of 1938 and the current geopolitical situation associated with the Russian Federation aggressive actions. However, it emphasizes the impossibility to comprehensively equalise the Munich Agreement of 1938 and the Minsk Agreements of 2014 – 2015, first of all, due to the distinction of the epoques and the goals of convening these two international conferences.


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