In the Aftermath of the Storm: US Foreign Policy in the Wake of 9/11 and its Implications for the Asia-Pacific region

2002 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-44
Author(s):  
Kurt M. Campbell ◽  
Yuki Tatsumi
2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 20-39
Author(s):  
Lay Hwee Yeo

AbstractSingapore’s policies and approach towards the Asia-Pacific region are guided by conservative pragmatism dictated by two imperatives—the geographical constraints of a small city state without a hinterland or natural resources, and the constant need to stay economically competitive and politically relevant in order to survive and thrive. This chapter begins with an overview of the historical development of Singapore and then zooms in to focus on its foreign policy thinking and development approach and examines how these then translate into actual policy and posturing in its immediate neighbourhood and the broader Asia-Pacific region.


2018 ◽  
Vol 73 (3) ◽  
pp. 429-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Charles-Louis Labrecque ◽  
Scott Harrison

Non-central governments in Canada have become increasingly active on the world stage, most notably in the Asia Pacific region. The scholarly works on Canada’s foreign policy in Asia tend to focus either on the federal government as the main actor, or on the “other diplomacies” of non-governmental actors; little attention has been paid to the increasing role of non-central governments in Asia. This article, therefore, contributes to the discussion by documenting and evaluating Canadian provinces’ international activities in the Asia Pacific. It also situates these activities within Canada’s foreign policy in the region, and assesses how important provinces have become in Canada–Asia relations. This paper first reviews the literature on non-central governments and foreign policy to expose the key forces pushing and pulling Canadian provinces to be increasingly active internationally. It then details the provinces’ international activities in Asia, and locates them within Canada’s foreign policy in the region.


Author(s):  
L. Gamza ◽  
E. Zaklyazminskaya

The article analyzes the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on the Chinese foreign and domestic policies during 2020. The main provisions, approaches, and dynamics of Chinese foreign policy in its key regional directions – towards the United States, European Union, the Asia-Pacific region, Russia, and some developing countries – are considered. Against the background of China’s domestic success in suppressing the COVID-19 infection, Beijing also intentionally uses the coronavirus agenda to boost the nation’s foreign policy that is increasingly acquiring global character. As the China-U.S. relations remained in poor shape, the Chinese foreign policy has continued to shift its focus towards the EU and the Asia-Pacific region with the purpose of stepping up economic cooperation with these regions. The authors explore in detail the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on China’s economy and the key measures taken by the authorities to ensure economic stabilization and steady progress. These measures aim at searching for a new model of development based and centered on the domestic market. The effectiveness of these new approaches has so far allowed China to cope with the pandemic with minimum losses, as compared with other large countries, and to maintain positive dynamics of its development.


Federalism ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 116-131
Author(s):  
K. R. Voda

The study of the formats of the international activities of the Russian parliament in the Asia-Pacific region (APR) is relevant as Russia is currently looking for ways to increase its international influence and expand the channels of interstate communications. The article evaluates bilateral inter-parliamentary ties between Russia and the leading regional powers — China and Japan. It concludes that Russia’s inter-parliamentary ties with these countries follow the foreign policy implemented by the executive. The article also analyzes Russia’s participation in regional inter-parliamentary institutions — the Asia-Pacific Parliamentary Forum and the ASEAN Inter-Parliamentary Assembly. Regular participation of Russian parliamentarians in inter-parliamentary organizations in the Asia-Pacific region expands country’s international political influence. However, organizations whose decisions are not binding, and the structure lacks permanent coordinating bodies, are less effective in addressing problems of global and regional development.


2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (01) ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Ade Priangani

This article describes a problem regarding abenomics made by Shinzo Abe as the basis of Japan's domestic political economy and foreign policy which began in 2012. However, after Shinzo Abe's emergence as PM of Japan and replaced by Yoshihide Suga, Suga continued abenomics with the aim of improving and stabilization of both Japan Domestic and Asia Pacific region, stimulaneously with RCEP which was signed in November 2020. The author takes the concept of Foreign Policy in which Japan improves its leadership strategy in balancing China's influence on the East Asian Region and ASEAN. The assumption of the leadership strategy is that the state has the capability of power but does not engage in conflictualism with other countries, so that it cooperates with a sense of competitiveness of a country. The result of the analysis shows that Japan sees an opportunity with the RCEP. Previously Japan did not focus on RCEP as part of Abenomics but rather on the CPTPP. However, because RCEP can encourage the export of Japanese products or commodities, RCEP is the most important part for Japan in the economy on free economy in Asia Pacific region. However, the challenge from Japan is that China still has a strong influence on ASEAN and RCEP has low trade liberalization. So that India left RCEP because of concerns that India's local products could not compete with other countries, especially China, with products that were cheap and accessible to the public. In addition, ASEAN sees China as no longer a threat because it sees China as a potential market for ASEAN. The impact for Indonesia is to get the maximum benefit from the Sino-Japanese competition, one of which is the joint project of the Jakarta-Bandung Fast Train as an interest of Indonesia which implements a Free Active Foreign Policy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 19
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Banyu Perwita ◽  
Denisa Rizkiya

The policy was introduced by the U.S. President Barack Obama early in his first administration in 2010, marked specific changing to the U.S. foreign policy like never before. The U.S. continuously views South and South East Asia, including the Indian Ocean, as a crucial driver for America’s economic growth and prosperity throughout the 21st century. Numerous numbers of cooperation and partnership have been done to enhance the ties between the U.S. and the regions. The U.S. presence and involvement in most essential regional meetings and summits can also be seen as an effort to seek opportunities, politically, economically, as well as security. This article tries to analyze how the U.S. rebalance towards Asia policy, a term used for the U.S.' foreign policy influenced the regional stability in Asia-Pacific region. 


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oanh Thi Hoang Nguyen ◽  
Ilia Aksenov ◽  
Nhuan Thi Phan ◽  
Tatyana Sakulyeva

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