Introduction: theorising special territorial status and extraterritoriality

2021 ◽  
Vol 62 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 1-6
Author(s):  
Zachary T. Androus ◽  
Magdalena Stawkowski ◽  
Robert Kopack
Keyword(s):  
2020 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 285-296
Author(s):  
Andrzej Połosak

Borneo, the largest of the Sunda Islands, was already divided during the colonial period. Its southern part belonged to the Dutch East Indies. To the north, there were the territories of North Kalimantan, part of the British Federation of Malaya. The President of the Republic of Indonesia, Ahmed Sukarno, supported anti-colonial movements around the world. Moreover, in 1962, Indonesia launched a military operation that attached West Irian, a Dutch overseas territory in the eastern tip of New Guinea. This operation gained international support.When Great Britain revised its Far East policy in the late 1950s, London gave independence to the Federation of Malaya, known as Malaysia since that time. From then on, the country was part of the Commonwealth of Nations. President Sukarno, remembering the success of the 1962 operation, considered newly established Malaysia to be only a new incarnation of English colonial politics. In April 1963, Jakarta began invading northern Borneo to annex these lands to Indonesia. The invasion met with strong resistance from the Commonwealth of Nations. After three years of struggle, the territorial status quo from before the conflict was re-established. The invasion and its high costs shook President Sukarno’s position. As a result, he was overthrown by General Suharto and the previously pursued policy of supporting anti-colonialism ended, although Indonesia remained a member of the Non-Aligned Movement, one of whose spiritual fathers was Ahmed Sukarno.


Author(s):  
Vijayashri Sripati

This chapter draws on the purposive analysis from the previous chapter to consider how UNCA with, and without its child, UN Territorial Administration (ITA) serves to implement certain areas of international law and public policy. It considers how the Constitution and its four ends (e.g., free markets; good governance; women’s rights) fit within the UN Charter framework. The Constitution which underpins the territorial state and confers territorial status, became in 1993, the UN’s core conflict-prevention tool. Moreover, from 1993 onwards, UNCA operated without plenary ITA in sovereign states. Given this, UNCA’s role covers four areas: (1) Right to self-determination (external and internal dimensions); (2) Conflict-Prevention; and (3) achieving public policy ends (e.g., ‘saving failed states’ and achieving good internal governance); and (4) the promotion of international policy in the area of peace and security, including peacemaking, peacebuilding, and peacekeeping. This Chapter underscores the Security Council’s key role in mandating UNCA and establishes UNCA’s salience vis-à-vis ITA. It concludes that UNCA amounts to the UN’s most intrusive form of intervention.


The Auk ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 118 (2) ◽  
pp. 342-351 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oscar W. Johnson ◽  
Phillip L. Bruner ◽  
Jay J. Rotella ◽  
Patricia M. Johnson ◽  
Andrea E. Bruner

Abstract We monitored the apparent survival of territorial and nonterritorial Pacific Golden-Plovers (Pluvialis fulva) for 20 consecutive nonbreeding seasons at a wintering ground within Bellows Air Force Station (BAFS) on the eastern shore of Oahu, Hawaii. Territorial birds were especially site-faithful from season to season, and each surviving individual reoccupied the same territory held in previous seasons. On average, territorial birds were resighted for about twice as many postbanding seasons (4.2) as nonterritorial birds (1.8). Open-population modeling indicated that apparent survival varied by age and territorial status. Our most parsimonious model estimated apparent annual survival rates in territorial plovers as 0.90 for young birds (age determined from retained juvenal primaries) from their first through their second wintering season, and 0.80 for adults over numerous seasons. For nonterritorial plovers, the corresponding values were 0.82 and 0.67, respectively. Despite lower apparent survival in nonterritorial plovers, it remains uncertain whether nonterritoriality actually results in shorter life spans. Some surviving nonterritorial birds may have gone undetected (detection probability of 0.70) because of permanent emigration from the study area. Given strong site-fidelity of territorial birds and the relative certainty of detecting them (probability = 1.0), we regarded the disappearance of a plover from its territory as an indicator of mortality. From last-recorded sightings, we concluded that territorial birds died with about equal frequency during the nonbreeding and breeding seasons. Because the latter is of much shorter duration, time-relative hazards were greatest while birds were away from the wintering grounds. Winter mortality was caused by accidents (collisions with overhead wires and other obstructions), and probable predation by owls. We estimated mean additional life expectancy among territorial plovers at 5.1 years for first-year birds, and 4.5 years for unknown-age adults. The oldest known-age individual was a male that lived 13 years 10 months; in adults of uncertain ages, one male survived to a minimum age of 18 years 10 months, and two females to at least 17 years 10 months. Pacific Golden-Plovers wintering at BAFS, especially territorial birds, demonstrated relatively high rates of apparent survival combined with adaptability for coexistence with humans in an urban environment.


Author(s):  
John Quigley

The establishment of Great Britain’s mandate over Palestine generated complex issues of international law. The mandate system was devised at the Paris Peace Conference with little prior analysis that might have given a clear answer as to its meaning. Complicating any analysis was the fact that three varieties of mandate were established, as Classes A, B, and C, with differing roles for the mandatory power. The Palestine Mandate was a Class A mandate, meaning a more robust status than that provided for Class B or C territories. Even within Class A differences existed. The three Class A mandates were Mesopotamia (Iraq), Syria, and Palestine. Mesopotamia (Iraq) and Syria each had a local administration with the mandatory power in an advisory capacity, whereas in Palestine the administration consisted of British personnel. The mandate system was criticized at the time as a continuation of colonial rule in a new guise. Feeding this criticism was the fact that in Great Britain’s governance structure, the Palestine Administration fell under the supervision of the Secretary for the Colonies. At the same time, Great Britain was subject to oversight by the League of Nations, through its Permanent Mandates Commission, and was enjoined to work toward relinquishing its role. Great Britain’s mandate over Palestine was further complicated by the fact that it involved a further injunction, namely, to foster a “Jewish national home” there. A notion of self-determination of peoples was becoming acknowledged at this period, and it was unclear how the concept of a “Jewish national home” might impact the population of Palestine, which was overwhelmingly Arab. Among international law writers of the 1920s, the mandate system generated a veritable cottage industry of scholarship, as they strained to fit it into existing categories of territorial status. Virtually every major international law analyst of the era expressed an opinion, with a number of them writing substantial volumes on the mandate system in general, or on Great Britain’s Palestine Mandate in particular. A technical note: The name “Henri Rolin” can be a source of confusion, as two Belgian scholars by this name wrote about the mandates in the interwar period. The dates of the elder Rolin are 1874–1946. The dates of the younger Rolin are 1891–1973. In the entries, each Rolin is identified by his dates.


2019 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 1069-1088
Author(s):  
Tressa P Diaz ◽  
Lana Sue I Ka‘opua ◽  
Susan Nakaoka

Abstract The United Nations and International Federation of Social Work affirm the right of all people to determine their political status, preserve their environments and pursue endeavours for well-being. This article focuses on CHamoru, Guam’s Indigenous people, and examines distal social determinants of health (SDOH) in the contested spaces of US territorial status and non-self-determining Indigenous nationhood. Published multi-disciplinary literature identified ways in which territorial status functions as an SDOH unique to non-self-determining Pacific Island nations. Indicated is the use of structural approaches that address mechanisms of US power and control, including economic policies that ‘defacto’ promote coca-colonisation and non-communicable diseases risk. Critical race theory centres race, colonisation and subversive narratives. In line with fourth-generation SDOH action-oriented research, we posit a CHamoru critical race theory model that weaves Indigenous, social work and public health perspectives. Lack of community input is a limitation of the current research. To assure relevance, the model will be vetted through community discussions. Our discussion guide may be tailored for other Indigenous communities. Social workers may play a meaningful role in promoting health equity through participatory action-oriented, cultural–political social work that upholds Indigenous self-determination and survivance in contested spaces.


2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-28 ◽  
Author(s):  
Maida Bilkic

Abstract In Bosnia-Herzegovina, the 1992–1995 war is the foundation on which its citizens are building their future. Contested spaces marked by violence are (re)created by means of graffiti frequently conveying locally hegemonic (re)narrations of legitimacy and attestation. Following the lead of scholars like Wee (2016), Stroud (2016), Rubdy and Ben Said (2015), this paper scrutinizes how the ongoing struggles of Bosnia-Herzegovina are constituted and sustained through/in the intersection of language and space. The first set of analysed graffiti is taken from an online database and the second is collected during fieldwork in areas where territorial status is especially fraught. I offer a three-part analysis of the key ways explicitly partisan and sometimes intimidating messages are realized through the subtle interplay of semiotic and spatial resources. Turbulent graffscapes (Stroud, 2016) of Bosnia-Herzegovina are materializations of linguistic violence (Tirrell, 2012), generating hateful places which sustain and potentially deepen social tensions between ethnic groups.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (4) ◽  
pp. 386-398 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laia Balcells ◽  
Alexander Kuo

Recent research on territorial preferences focuses on explaining who supports or opposes independence. However, this research overlooks the relevance of an “intermediate” category of citizens who may oppose the territorial status quo of a sub-state territory but not support independence. We use evidence from the critical case of Catalonia to illustrate the relevance of individuals with such preferences for policies and outcomes highly relevant to secessionist conflicts. We present four sets of findings using two-wave panel data from December 2017 (just prior to the December regional elections when Catalan independence was the most salient and contentious issue) and September 2018. First, we find that a sizable plurality within Catalonia supports greater autonomy short of independence; conventional sociodemographic variables explaining support for independence do not strongly account for this preference. Second, such pro-autonomy individuals have considerably more intermediate attitudes regarding the key “on the ground” actions that the Spanish and Catalan governments pursued during the crucial independence drive in 2017. They were more opposed than pro-independence individuals to the unilateral independence efforts, and more opposed than pro-status quo individuals to the Spanish government’s actions to counter these efforts. Third, they expressed emotions around the secessionist conflict similar to pro-status quo individuals. Finally, using an embedded survey experiment, we find that pro-autonomy individuals are more trusting of both the central and regional governments regarding their abiding by an agreement to resolve the conflict, and are less easily “polarized” through priming. Overall, these findings indicate the importance of further analyzing individuals with intermediate territorial views in secessionist conflicts.


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