The Peers, the Parties, and the People: The British General Elections of 1910. Neal BlewettThe Last Liberal Governments: Unfinished Business, 1911-1914. Peter Rowland

1973 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 699-701
Author(s):  
Peter Stansky
2020 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-95 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tarunabh Khaitan

AbstractMany concerned citizens, including judges, bureaucrats, politicians, activists, journalists, and academics, have been claiming that Indian democracy has been imperilled under the premiership of Narendra Modi, which began in 2014. To examine this claim, the Article sets up an analytic framework for accountability mechanisms liberal democratic constitutions put in place to provide a check on the political executive. The assumption is that only if this framework is dismantled in a systemic manner can we claim that democracy itself is in peril. This framework helps distinguish between actions that one may disagree with ideologically but are nonetheless permitted by an elected government, from actions that strike at the heart of liberal democratic constitutionalism. Liberal democratic constitutions typically adopt three ways of making accountability demands on the political executive: vertically, by demanding electoral accountability to the people; horizontally, by subjecting it to accountability demands of other state institutions like the judiciary and fourth branch institutions; and diagonally, by requiring discursive accountability by the media, the academy, and civil society. This framework assures democracy over time – i.e. it guarantees democratic governance not only to the people today, but to all future peoples of India. Each elected government has the mandate to implement its policies over a wide range of matters. However, seeking to entrench the ruling party’s stranglehold on power in ways that are inimical to the continued operation of democracy cannot be one of them. The Article finds that the first Modi government in power between 2014 and 2019 did indeed seek to undermine each of these three strands of executive accountability. Unlike the assault on democratic norms during India Gandhi’s Emergency in the 1970s, there is little evidence of a direct or full-frontal attack during this period. The Bharatiya Janata Party government’s mode of operation was subtle, indirect, and incremental, but also systemic. Hence, the Article characterizes the phenomenon as “killing a constitution by a thousand cuts.” The incremental assaults on democratic governance were typically justified by a combination of a managerial rhetoric of efficiency and good governance (made plausible by the undeniable imperfection of our institutions) and a divisive rhetoric of hyper-nationalism (which brands political opponents of the party as traitors of the state). Since its resounding victory in the 2019 general elections, the Modi government appears to have moved into consolidation mode. No longer constrained by the demands of coalition partners, early signs suggest that it may abandon the incrementalist approach for a more direct assault on democratic constitutionalism.


2018 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 63
Author(s):  
Indarja Indarja

The aim of this paper is to analyze the regulation of general election of President and vice President in Indonesia. The method used is the normative juridical, with the history approach. Based on  results that the Election of President and Vice President in Indonesia changes from time to time, from the period 1945-1950 President and Vice President elected by PPKI by acclamation. The period 1950-1959 elected by agreement between the state of RIS and RI. After the 1959 period until now, the President and Vice President were elected by the people through general elections.


2015 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd Azizuddin Mohd Sani

Media, Liberty and Politics in Malaysia: Comparative Studies on Local Dynamics and Regional Concernsis based on a collection of twelve academic papers. This book traces the development and progress of Malaysia as a nation that embraces issues of media, liberty and politics as essential parts of its culture, policy and well-being of the people. In between the 2008 and the 2013 General Elections, Malaysians have transformed themselves and demanded to form a more democratic society. Issues of political freedom, human rights, good governance and human dignity have become important and will determine the future of the Malaysian society. Besides, this book also tries to compare democratic practices in Malaysia with its neighbours such as Indonesia, Thailand and Australia, plus the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) as an organisation to promote democratisation and strong ties between its members. This book is suitable for all particularly the academics, students of politics and international relations, journalists, legal practitioners, and the general public who are interested in the issues of media, liberty and politics in Malaysia.


2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 85-89
Author(s):  
Adie Edward Ugbada

Democracy as a concept of government became universal after the fall of the Berlin wall in 1989, the disbanding of the USSR in 1991, the crumple of communism and the end of the Cold War. Ever since then, this global phenomenon called democracy became the central and most preferred system of government worldwide. It has also been embraced in its entirety though in some cases modified based on the dominant/peculiar cultural and political structure of the people till this present day; except of course for a very few and negligible number of countries that have fervidly refused to embrace it as the best means of leading a people. This pervasive acceptance is predicated on two key elements- which are; globalization and the media. Though the concept of globalization is shrouded in strong arguments between a school of thought known as the skeptics and the other school of the argument known as the globalizers, McLuhan’s Global Village postulation unraveled this controversy by a simple analogy which links the media as the vehicle with which the concept was made popular and acceptable to the clinch of a large followership. In a symbiotic reward, the media was able to carry out its function of news dissemination in democracy, due to higher information technology occasioned by the consequences of globalization. Despite this advantage, the Nigeria democratic experience is one that has not been able to draw from the advantages herein. The country’s democracy is been overwhelmed by different challenges that has affected its emergence since the country attained independence in 1960. However happening in the 2015 general elections portend a ray of hope for the growth of democracy in the country after which it can then shift its efforts to the consolidation of its democracy.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 29-35
Author(s):  
Ta’mirotul Biroroh

The mechanism for transferring people's sovereignty is carried out through general elections to elect leaders and representatives of the people who will be mandated to carry out state and government affairs in accordance with the provisions contained in the legislation. One of the interesting developments from the point of view of the Indonesian state administration began when Indonesia experienced a transitional period of general elections (elections) which are one of the main pillars of democracy. In Indonesia, the existence of an election management body has existed since the 1955 general election until now. In every course of political history, Indonesia has several different institutional models of election management from time to time.  The General Election Commission in Indonesia it is called Komisi Pemilihan Umum (KPU) is an institution that carries out the function of organizing elections in Indonesia. In addition to the KPU, there are institutions that also play an important role in the implementation of elections and are closely related to the existence of the KPU, namely survey institutions that carry out quick count processes. The survey institutions in a number of developing countries, especially those that are actively building democracy, are also not a little doubted by their moral honesty, at least being sued with a critical attitude such as the existence of a poll on the existence of a political survey institution, which has resulted in an attitude of uncertainty about the performance survey agency. This condition makes people less confident in the survey results which are considered no longer independent. It is proven that every time an election is held, a number of survey institutions seem to want to lead public opinion towards certain contestants. This is certainly very unfortunate considering that the survey results are one of the important instruments in democracy.


CosmoGov ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 61
Author(s):  
Sri Sutjiatmi ◽  
Dwian Hartomi Akta Padma Eldo ◽  
Arif Zainudin

This paper is intended to look at the condition of Indonesia related to the still rampant occurrence of money politics which is a problem in the community when the 2019 elections simultaneously. This research takes a case study between Tegal City and Tegal Regency. The interesting thing in this study is to see how the community's assessment of the Tegal city and Tegal Regency groups regarding money politics in the 2019 elections simultaneously. The method used is a mixed method (between Mixed Methods) between quantitative and qualitative, by calculating the Solvin formula by deepening the analysis by interviewing the speakers directly. The results of the study showed that the people of Tegal City had a relatively high attitude of not paying attention to the Politics of Money in the General Election relating to the political money of the General Elections in 2019 at the same time. Unlike the people of Tegal Regency who consider money politics as a culture that is difficult to remove. Also interesting is the beginner voter group Tegal Regency has a fairly high knowledge about money politics that can damage the democratic system compared to the Beginner voters in Tegal City.


2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 58-76
Author(s):  
Suparto Suparto

The position of the Vice President and the President is not equal, even though the President and Vice President are a single inseparable institution. The position of the President and Vice President which is not equal shows that the presidential institution is the organizer of a single government system. The position of the Vice President cannot be separated from the President as a unit of positions which are directly elected by the people through general elections. Then, the duties and powers of the Vice President in the 1945 Constitution do not provide regulation, because the provisions of Article 4 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution only mention their duties as assistant to the President, even though the President and Vice President are a single unit of office elected by the people through general elections. The authority of the Vice President is the authority mandated by the President to assist the President in implementing laws so that the responsibility remains with the President. The authority of the Vice President as a substitute for the President is all the powers that are in the position of President. In the future, it is necessary to make a law as an elaboration of the provisions of Article 4 paragraph (2) of the 1945 Constitution


2018 ◽  
pp. 113-128
Author(s):  
Olha Buturlimova

The article examines the processes of growth of the British Labour Party in the early XXth century. The reasons of Labour Party’s success on parliamentary and municipal elections in the 1920s have been analyzed. The main attention is paid to the party’s activities in constituencies and analysis of Labour Party General Election Manifestos, General Elections Results and other statistic data. The relations between the Labour Party and churches in Great Britain have also been investigated. The support of the Anglican Church and denominations in Great Britain gave the Labour Party some votes but they lost some votes of believers in the next election in 1924 because of Labour government’s failure to acknowledge Bolshevik persecution of the Christians in the USSR. The Labour attempts to win the countryside were also not so fruitful. It is emphasized that 1918 was the turning point in the formation of the Labour Party as mass, widely represented and influential parliamentary party. The reorganization of the Labour party in 1918, Representation of the People Act (1918), adoption of the “Labour and the New Social Order” party constitution have proved to be favorable for its further evolution. But some difficulties such as conflicts between left and right views in the party, absence of convincing majority, black mass-media technologies from political opponents and problems in economics of the country, seriously influenced on its abilities to win success in 1920-s.


Author(s):  
Muhammad Mukhtarrija ◽  
I gusti Ayu Ketut Rachmi Handayani ◽  
Agus Riwanto

This study raises the legal issue against the enactment of Law No. 7 of 2017 on General Elections in Indonesia. The law has violated the constitutional rights of new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants that began in 2017. The injustice is seen in article 222 which requires the provision of presidential threshold for political parties nominating the president and vice-presidential pairs based on the results of general elections in 2014. If this provision is applied, automatically the new political parties of the simultaneous general election participants in Indonesia do not have the opportunity to nominate a couple of presidents and vice presidents. Based on the Constitution of the 1945 Constitution, the president and vice president are nominated by a political party or a coalition of political parties participating in the general election. Considering the constitution applicable in Indonesia should every political party participating in the general election have equal rights and opportunity in carrying the candidate of president and vice president to be elected by the people in a democracy.


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