Rhetoric and Disguise: Political Language and Political Argument in Absalom and Achitophel

1981 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 39-55 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Zwicker ◽  
Derek Hirst

“There was never more need, never greater occasion for the exercise of Moderation, than now in our Age. It's much in the common talk, and in the wishes of all sorts of men, all seem to desire and court it; and yet I believe it was never less understood, less practised.”John Evans, Moderation Stated, 1682.The ironic fate of Absalom and Achitophel is to be fully appreciated as one of the great political poems of the language and only partially comprehended as political argument. Recent criticism of the poem is marked by a widening discrepancy between the ways in which it is understood as verbal and as political artifact. Metaphor and allusion have been carefully and often subtly charted, yet the poem's political rhetoric and its political argument are assumed to be simple coordinates. The tensions, indeed the contradictions, between explicit language and implicit argument are not only unexamined but largely unperceived. The conventional reading, which has become an almost fixed critical response, argues that the poem rises above partisan politics, that it derives from a political intelligence committed to a conservative ideology but indifferent to, indeed contemptuous of, the “party color'd mind.”Generalities about Dryden's temper, the poet as philosophical sceptic, as disinterested critic of extremes, together with the seemingly ingenuous and repeated claims of moderation and balance in the Preface have led a number of critics to understand the narrator's espoused moderation as Dryden's political stance—a judgment which Dryden's contemporaries certainly did not allow.

2021 ◽  
pp. 002193472110293
Author(s):  
Wincharles Coker

This paper is an effort at theorizing the neologism godsplaining. The term interrogates the attempt by religious clerics to earn cultural capital by explaining God’s actions and preferences. The paper does so by deconstructing the political rhetoric of two popular Ghanaian prophets, following the outcome of the 2020 presidential and parliamentary elections. Using deconstruction as an analytical tool, the study analyses a 2-hour interview the clerics granted an Accra-based local radio station on its morning show. The analysis showed that the religious leaders engaged in “godsplaining” by employing five basic rhetorical strategies— appeal to prophetic authority, kategoria versus apologia, erotema, biblical allusion, and anecdote in order to defend why their perceived political party either won or lost the 2020 general elections. The analysis revealed that the deliberative rhetoric of the prophets suggested a biased hermeneutic of God’s will in favor of their preferred political affinity. The study has implications for further research in media studies, religious communication, and the question of divinity in partisan politics.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (33) ◽  
pp. 8-16
Author(s):  
Maria Shutova ◽  
Svitlana Mudrynych

The article deals with the concept of “new life” in the inaugural addresses of the U.S. presidents. A political language, as a reflection of people’s behavior in a certain ethnocultural community, is under the consideration. The investigation of political language caused the special approach to the analysis of lexical units that comprise the semantic group “novelty”. Based on this analysis a group of words that have the common sema “new” was singled out. The means of expressions and stylistic devices that presidents used to express the idea of “new life” were determined. The presidents make people believe in their ability to take new actions and change the situation, lead the nation to new, better life. Adjective “new” is often used by the presidents in context of the necessity to revitalize old values, to renew the nation spiritually. Analysis of inaugural address of American presidents showed that ideas of “new life” run through the entire speech of every president. In this article the role of the idea of “new life” in inaugural addresses of American presidents and means of its conveying has been studied. Model of a “new life” can be rather complex, needs more or less strong argumentation. The very word-combination the “better life” predetermines that this life should be different from the existing one, i.e. new. Thus concept of “new life” plays important role in political discourse. Consequently, our research may be understood not only as belonging to a narrow sphere of analysis of political discourse but to wider branch of science – linguistic political science.


Author(s):  
Patrick Geoghegan

This essay explores how the political language of the nineteenth-century Irish political leader Daniel O’Connell did not present a consistent doctrine, or a finely articulated programme, but a persuasion. O’Connell’s political strategy was to present a broad judgement of political affairs informed by common sentiments and beliefs about what was happening in Ireland. In doing so, he developed his own political rhetoric and articulated a language that inspired the downtrodden Catholics to follow him and agitate for their civil rights. The language remained consistent even as the political strategies switched and changed, and rolled and adapted to suit changing political realities. By casting himself as the people’s tribune, O’Connell made himself the champion of the oppressed, but it also ensured that his legacy was hotly contested.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 843-849
Author(s):  
Iván Zoltán Dénes

Global climate change, migration waves, Brexit, Trump’s presidency, the politics of Putin’s Russia, the narrow-minded technocratic executive leadership of the EU, and the constitutional crisis in Spain, present old, reborn, and new challenges to the integrative and cohesive forces of the diversity and openness of Europe. The current autocratic breakthroughs in Hungary and Poland are part of these phenomena. This introductory article focuses on the common preconditions of autocratic breakthroughs, especially on the uncertainties, anxieties and fears rooted in unprocessed traumatic experiences. They have created the possibility of pitting the case of the community against the case of liberty, producing powder-kegs of political hysteria in which the political language of national egotism and regimes of memory strongly connect with each other.


2020 ◽  
Vol 63 (5) ◽  
pp. 1257-1280
Author(s):  
SEÁN DONNELLY

AbstractRepublicanism has been one of the most influential political ideologies in modern Irish history; however, it remains conspicuously undertheorized by historians of the revolutionary period. While recent historiography has challenged representations of anti-Treaty Sinn Féin as a mindlessly destructive, anti-democratic force, the extent of ideological and rhetorical continuity linking the Provisional Government formed to assume control of the Free State on 7 January 1922 with the pre-Treaty republican tradition has not been understood. This article rejects the historiographical thesis that the Provisional Government abandoned republican ideas. Drawing from the Cambridge School's contextualist account of republicanism as a polysemic and contingent political language, it highlights the vigorously contested nature of republican thought in the intellectual firmament of revolutionary Sinn Féin and argues that the Free State leadership articulated its vision of politics and society through classical republican concepts of ‘civic virtue’ and the ‘common good’. It is suggested additionally that the colonial dynamics of the Anglo-Irish relationship helped to shape the vision of republican citizenship promoted by an administration possessed of a deep-seated determination to refute historical perceptions of the Irish people as congenitally ‘unfit’ for sovereignty.


PMLA ◽  
1959 ◽  
Vol 74 (5) ◽  
pp. 599-606
Author(s):  
Frederic I. Carpenter

The search for some single myth or hypothesis to explain American character and history has informed much of our recent criticism. Within the last decade at least seven authors have devoted complete books to the subject. And from Emerson's “American Scholar” of a century ago, through Turner's “Significance of the Frontier,” to Matthiessen's American Renaissance, earlier critics had invoked the myth in passing. But now the old, vague “myth of the common man” has been imagined more concretely and in greater detail.


Author(s):  
V.E. Dergacheva ◽  
Yu.G. Chernyshov

Using the installation “Breakthrough” as an example, the article examines the widespread in the United States assessments and methods of memorializing the results of the Cold War. The authors note that the thesis of a US victory in the Cold War was central to official US political rhetoric in the early 1990s. This is confirmed by the politics of memory — in particular, the creation of the installation “Breakthrough”, the establishment of the commemorative medal “Cold War Victory Medal”, etc. The fall of the Berlin Wall in 1989 is considered the most symbolic event of the end of the Cold War. One of the fragments of this wall is called “The Breakthrough”, it is now in Westminster College in Fulton (Missouri), where W. Churchill in 1946 pronounced his famous speech and where (in a symbolic sense) the Cold War began. Installation “Breakthrough”, being a symbol of the beginning and end of ideological confrontation, carries a certain ideological message — it is a “breakthrough to freedom” and victory in the “cold war”. However, by the early 2000s, when passions subsided in society and wider access to not only American, but also Soviet archival documents was opened up, more ba-lanced assessments of the causes and results of the Cold War began to appear in American scientific circles. Some American historians started talking about the common victory of the USA and the USSR over the ideological confrontation, which could develop into a dangerous “hot war.” Globalization also influenced the perception of the outcome of the Cold War: this confrontation is assessed by some American researchers as a natural stage in the development of international relations, which led to a new redistribution of centers of influence on the map of the “multipolar” world.


Author(s):  
Walter Rech

By illustrating the history of Italian international law from the early seventeenth to the mid-nineteenth century, this chapter explores the question of whether and to what extent this period may have been characterized by a genuinely Italian ‘tradition’ or approach to international legal issues. The chapter questions the notion of a monolithic Italian tradition in international law and shows that the commonality of topics and interests among Italian lawyers can best be read as part of broader trends in the European ‘law of nations’. Although they were concerned with nationally important matters such as maritime trade, the sovereignty of smaller polities and the relationship between State and church, Italian lawyers constantly defended their claims by resorting to the common European vocabulary of the ius naturae and ius gentium.


2021 ◽  
pp. 147892992110620
Author(s):  
Kieron O’Hara

In reply to Dean Blackburn’s ‘In the Shadows’, it is argued that the situated nature of the conservative ideology entails that its adherents cannot have a substantive set of shared values, but that their values will typically be a cultural inheritance. The epistemological element of conservatism may not be the most electorally salient in any concrete context, but has strategic value as the common element of conservatism most likely to support a public reason defence.


2017 ◽  
Vol 7 (5) ◽  
pp. 327 ◽  
Author(s):  
Huda H. Khalil

There is a well-known belief among linguists and discourse analysts saying that vague language is one of the common features of political language. In order for the linguists to include vague language within the domain of linguistic analysis, they started formulating vagueness within the principles of the pragmalinguistic theory.  However, the pragmatic perspective had not been paid much attention yet. With the accelerated events in the Middle East, the best way to get information is to appreciate some news items because they are objective facts that are accessible and easy to comprehend for everybody (Pan, 2012, p. 2530). Iraq has witnessed many periods of serious escalation among which is the one started in April 2014 in which, the ISIS influence started expanding suddenly and rapidly causing infrastructure damage and causalities. The present paper aims at investigating vague expressions in news articles on the security situation in Iraq in the period mentioned above by means of Grice’s cooperative principle to find out the purposes vague language serves and its effects on these news articles.


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