Regimes of Memory in the Context of Autocratic Breakthroughs

2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (6) ◽  
pp. 843-849
Author(s):  
Iván Zoltán Dénes

Global climate change, migration waves, Brexit, Trump’s presidency, the politics of Putin’s Russia, the narrow-minded technocratic executive leadership of the EU, and the constitutional crisis in Spain, present old, reborn, and new challenges to the integrative and cohesive forces of the diversity and openness of Europe. The current autocratic breakthroughs in Hungary and Poland are part of these phenomena. This introductory article focuses on the common preconditions of autocratic breakthroughs, especially on the uncertainties, anxieties and fears rooted in unprocessed traumatic experiences. They have created the possibility of pitting the case of the community against the case of liberty, producing powder-kegs of political hysteria in which the political language of national egotism and regimes of memory strongly connect with each other.

Management ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 473-487
Author(s):  
Andrzej Czyżewski ◽  
Sebastian Stępień

Summary The objective of the paper is to present the results of negotiations on the EU budget for 2014-2020, with particular emphasis on the Common Agricultural Policy. Authors indicate the steps for establishing the budget, from the proposal of the European Commission presented in 2011, ending with the draft of UE budget agreed at the meeting of the European Council on February 2013 and the meeting of the AGRIFISH on March 2013 and then approved by the political agreement of the European Commission, European Parliament and European Council on June 2013. In this context, there will be an assessment of the new budget from the point of view of Polish economy and agriculture.


2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-75
Author(s):  
Milka Malfait

Introduction: Statistics have proven that both the European Union (“EU”) and the Russian Federation (“Russia”) suffer from terrorism in its current form. Intensifying partnerships to combat terrorism would be a good idea. This essay envisages to illustrate a common base for cooperation in the fight against terrorism despite of some general differences in policy and structure between the EU and Russia.Materials and methods: The methodological basis of the research has both an analytical and descriptive nature. As for the analytical nature, sta­tistical, qualitative and comparative analyses were used while researching political phenomena and processes in the sphere of national security and coun­terterrorism. The author also applied the inductive method. The materials observed include the distinct approaches of Russia and the EU in terms of threats to national security including terrorism.Results: The author reveals there are four fundamental issues which ask for more attention in the EU-Russia dialogue on Freedom, Justice and Security and particularly with regard to the fight against terrorism. Firstly, statistics prove that Europe (EU and Russia) are impacted by modern terrorism, yet not by the same cases of terrorism. Secondly, Russia’s experience in counterterrorism is crucial. Thirdly, the scale ‘freedom’ and ‘human rights’ versus ‘security’ has not the same ratio in the EU and in Russia. Fourthly, the concept sovereignty is differently interpreted by the EU, the EU Member States and Russia. Despite all the differences in views, it is clear that the EU could learn a lot from Russia, as one of the key States with considerable experience in the fight against terrorism. Although the EU and Russia face different forms and problems and the roots of Western European terrorism sometimes have a slightly different origin, this does not negate the fact that they could foster cooperation.Discussion and conclusion: The governmental approaches of the EU and Russia on national security were discussed as well as the common grounds for cooperation, namely the threat of terrorism. It is proved that both systems have different features and are not always compatible with each other. The following recommendation of setting up an anti-terrorism working group was provided as well as the advice to eliminate the political distrust.


2020 ◽  
pp. 11-32
Author(s):  
Gabriel López-Martínez ◽  
Pilar Espeso-Molinero

En los últimos años, las comunidades europeas de pescadores han sufrido cambios estructurales importantes derivados de las distintas reformas de la Política de Pesca Común (PPC). Los instrumentos aplicados han provocado una transformación en este sector, afectando de manera significativa a las pequeñas poblaciones de pescadores. En este contexto, el estudio antropológico se presenta como una herramienta de gran valor para comprender las respuestas de individuos y comunidades a los nuevos retos. El presente trabajo, basado en información primaria y secundaria recogida en la Región de Murcia en la última década, explora algunas de estas respuestas. Los testimonios de los diferentes informantes muestran el debilitamiento de esta profesión como consecuencia de las herramientas políticas implementadas. La disminución del número de embarcaciones y de trabajadores independientes, unido a la falta de relevo generacional pone en riesgo el conocimiento tradicional de la pesca artesanal. Para reflexionar sobre el presente y el futuro de estas prácticas ancestrales, se exponen una serie de experiencias donde se presenta al pescador como intermediador o agente transmisor de conocimiento, vinculando el legado patrimonial a distintos sectores de la sociedad contemporánea. In recent years, European fishing communities have undergone major structural changes resulting from the different reforms of the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP). The instruments implemented have led to a transformation in this sector, affecting small fishing stocks. In this context, we present an anthropological study as a tool of great value to understand the responses of individuals and communities to new challenges. This work, based on primary and secondary information collected in the last decade in the Region of Murcia (Spain), explores some of these responses. The testimonies of the different informants show the weakening of this profession as a result of the political tools implemented. Decreasing number of boats and self-employed workers, coupled with a lack of generational replacement puts at risk traditional knowledge of artisanal fishing. To reflect on the present and future of these ancestral practices, a series of experiences are presented where the fisherman is revealed as an intermediator or transmitting agent of knowledge, linking the heritage legacy to different sectors of contemporary society.


Author(s):  
Victoria Ruda

Almost from the very outset the development of the common foreign policy and establishing the common defense have been the main aims of the European Community, but the real cooperation in these fields turned out to be quite complex and run into certain obstacles. As part of the European Community, the member states realize the necessity to comply with the common policy in order to become a full-fledged member on the political arena, but this does not take their fears to lose their national sovereignty and to give up some political advantages acquired through either the geographical position or the economic or political and military peculiarities. This explains to a certain extent the complexity of the consensus in searching process between the West European countries in the sphere of the common foreign and security policy. The integration process in Europe was concentrated on the economic cooperation in the first place. Later on the leaders of the West European countries recognized the readiness of the European countries to take a common position on the political and economic aspects of the security and the importance of the foreign policy cooperation in regard to the economic one was for the first time officially admitted. The development of the foreign policy pillar in the pre-Maastricht period clearly distinguished the sphere of competencies of the EU and NATO. The signing of the Single European Act allowed the EU country members to occupy the common position and coordinate their foreign policy. All this allowed the cooperation in the political sphere, which was evolving in two directions: first, conducting the coordinated foreign policy and secondly, ensuring the common security policy with a prospect of establishing the common defense as its separate pillar.


Author(s):  
Lyudmila Babynina ◽  

The article analyzes the features of Denmark’s participation in the European Union. The country has a number of opt-outs from the general rules for the functioning of the EU, including under the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP). The intensive development of this area in the last decade, including the established Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO), and the emergence of new security challenges make the question of the format of Denmark’s participation in these projects highly relevant. The author concludes that clearly limiting this opt-out allows Denmark to take benefit from participation in defense-related projects that are formally outside the CSDP framework, but fall within the joint competence of the Union and the Member States. At the same time, the rejection of the «Danish reservations» does not seem likely in the near future for domestic political reasons.


European View ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 79-92 ◽  
Author(s):  
Žiga Turk

In Europe itself, the EU has been a success. But its new challenges are mostly global: the rise of Asia, climate change, the end of the industrial age, the information revolution and an ageing population. To address these effectively, the EU should draw strength from its values of human rights, freedom, democracy, equality and care for people and the environment. In the years to come, it will need to rely increasingly upon three key resources: the people, the sun as an energy source, and the Union itself. The EU has been perfected through generations. Its strength lies in its openness to enlargement and its readiness to deepen its structures. Rather than going through another institutional change, it should learn to use the tools it has to deepen the common market and extend it to vital new areas of competition.


2011 ◽  
Vol 15 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 200-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Keohane

In 1999, few people would have predicted that the EU would send ships to Somalia, police to Afghanistan, judges to Kosovo and soldiers to Chad. Yet, that is exactly what the EU has been doing. The European Security and Defence policy (ESDP) –since renamed the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) – was launched shortly after NATO’s war in Kosovo in June 1999, to ensure that Europeans could respond to international crises, including launching operations, without depending on the US (via NATO). Since 2003 the EU has initiated some 24 peace-support operations in Europe, Africa and Asia, using both civil and military resources, and some of these missions have had impressive results. However, at times there have been some real difficulties with CSDP operations, ranging from resource shortages, intermittent political support from Member States, and a lack of coordination between EU actors. Lessons already identified in the crisis management debate point to two fundamental factors of success. First, a comprehensive approach that brings together the different actors deployed in the field. Second, the resilience of the political and material commitment of crisis management actors, possibly over many years. Both these factors pose important questions for the future of EU peace operations.


Author(s):  
Konrad Lachmayer

This chapter argues against the common consensus regarding the EU 14’s measures against Austria in 2000 by not only retracing the core part of the story but also extending the perspectives on the year 2000 to the past and the future. First, the chapter analyses the historical dimension of Haider’s Freedom Party and the political relevance of the developments in the year 2000 from an Austrian perspective. The chapter contends that the EU did not learn effectively from the measures and failed to develop proper institutional and procedural mechanisms to deal with the questioning of basic values by a Member State. Hereafter, the chapter looks critically back on the participation of the Freedom Party in the Austrian government and the effects of Jörg Haider to Rule of Law and democracy in Austria. Emphasis is placed in acknowledging the different layers of the narrative on the EU 14’s measures.


2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 141-160
Author(s):  
Luke Raffin

Casting the spotlight over a complex and dynamic relationship, this article seeks to diagnose the state of relations between the European Union and Australia by contrasting the sources of tension with the forces of unity in the relationship. After illuminating the substantial differences between the EU and Australia in the political, military and economic spheres, the article asserts that the Common Agricultural Policy (‘CAP’) has disproportionately influenced the EU-Australia dialogue and — like the Howard Government’s propensity to bilateralism — needlessly impeded the advancement of relations. The impact of bilateral relations with the United States and the increasingly contentious challenges posed by global climate change have threatened to destabilise the bond between Brussels and Canberra. However, the article insists that the destructive potential of CAP-related disagreement is dissipating. Rather, debates over agriculture in the EU-Australia dialogue have been emasculated by rapidly intensifying social, political and cultural integration. Moreover, the development of Australia’s relationships with its Asian neighbours promises to optimise Australian engagement with Europe. After carefully weighing these competing factors, the article concludes that — despite the transitory phases of discord — the future for the EU-Australia relationship is bright.


Author(s):  
Simon Morgan Wortham

This chapter evaluates the question of the ‘complex’ in a range of scientific, political and psychoanalytic contexts, asking not only where lines of connection and demarcation occur among specific distributions of meaning, value, theory and practice; but also probing the psychoanalytic corpus, notably Freud’s writings on the notion of a ‘complex’, in order to reframe various implications of the idea that this term tends to resist its own utilisation as both an object and form of analysis. This section establishes connections between three sets of theoretical questions: the common practice of describing modernity and its wake in terms of a drive towards increasing complexity; the meaning and cultural legacy of phrases such as ‘military-industrial complex’ and sundry derivations in the political sphere; and the intricacies and ambiguities subtending the term ‘complex’ within psychoanalytic theory. As a concept that Freud both utilised and repudiated, the provocative power of the term ‘complex’ is linked to the way it thwarts various attempts at systemization (providing nonetheless an apparatus of sorts through which contemporary science, Slavoj Žižek, Noam Chomsky, Freud, Eisenhower, and post-war politics can be articulated to one another).


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