The Children of the Desert and the Laws of the Sea: Austria, Great Britain, the Ottoman Empire, and the Mediterranean Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century

2012 ◽  
Vol 117 (2) ◽  
pp. 410-444 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alison Frank
Author(s):  
Davide Rodogno

This book examines the European roots of humanitarian intervention as a concept and international practice during the nineteenth century, with particular emphasis on the politics and policies of Great Britain and France. It challenges two assumptions: first, that humanitarian intervention is a phenomenon of international relations that appeared after the end of the Cold War and second, that it emerged abruptly during the nineteenth century. Focusing on the Ottoman Empire, the book investigates when, where, who, how, and for what reasons a humanitarian intervention was undertaken from 1815 to 1914. It argues that the primary motivation of humanitarian intervention is to end massacre, atrocity, and extermination or to prevent the repetition of such events, to protect civilian populations mistreated and unprotected by the target-state government, agents, or authorities. This introduction discusses the concept of rights, including natural rights, before the nineteenth century and provides an overview of the questions, assumptions, and issues raised in the book.


Author(s):  
Adam Teller

This chapter provides an overview of the Polish–Lithuanian Jews who were taken captive to be ransomed or sold into slavery. Once captured, these Jewish women and men found themselves trapped in two major international economic systems of the period. The first was the international trade in Ukrainian, Polish, Russian, and Circassian captives carried out by the Crimean Tatars with the support of the Ottoman Empire. The second economic system was piracy in the Mediterranean. Two major issues are at the heart of the discussion on the fates of these Jewish captives. The first concerns the slave trade itself and how its market conditions shaped the fate of the captured Jews. The second deals with the effort to ransom the Jewish captives from eastern Europe and is focused on the transregional Jewish philanthropic networks that raised huge sums and transported them the long distances to the slave market, examining them in terms of both their form and their function.


1964 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olive Anderson

In 1929 the historian of European financial control in the Ottoman Empire—that most significant factor in the affairs of the Near East at the turn of the nineteenth century—found ‘the seed of the idea’ of European control in the second Turkish foreign loan, raised in 1855. Nevertheless, he added virtually nothing to the brief and rather inaccurate account of this transaction given in 1903 by that able retired official of the Ottoman Bank, A. du Velay. It may therefore be worth while to discuss, from the profusion of evidence now available, the circumstances in which this loan and its predecessor of the year before were raised, and the extent and significance of the foreign control which these transactions introduced into Turkey.


2013 ◽  
Vol 72 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-22 ◽  
Author(s):  
Fabian Klose

Abstract The origins of the phenomena of international jurisdiction and humanitarian intervention can already be found in the beginning of the nineteenth century. The article combines both topics and shows that these two concepts are directly related to one another. Beginning with the international ban of the slave trade in 1815 the analysis focuses on the corresponding implementation machinery created under the leadership of Great Britain. This machinery consisted of a hitherto unique combination of military and juridical measures which were directly dependent on each other. The main argument of the article is that the geneses of the concept of international jurisdiction and humanitarian intervention are significantly entangled with each other and both of their origins lie in the fight against the transatlantic slave trade in the beginning of the nineteenth century.


2018 ◽  
pp. 50-77
Author(s):  
Bonnie Effros

This chapter explores how the French discovery of Roman ruins in Algeria was used to legitimate its annexation of the territory. Intellectuals and politicians argued that the Ottoman Empire was illegitimate; France was the true heir of the shared Latinate civilization created by the Roman Empire. The new French Empire would simply reunite the Mediterranean world. These efforts were, however, thwarted by both human and material actors. Parisian museum administrators thought that the North African finds were of low quality and not of much interest. French colonists argued, by contrast, that the Roman artifacts should stay in Algeria, to help build a French imperial identity. And the things themselves resisted; they broke when soldiers tried to extract them and their weight sank the ships used to transport them. The chapter then suggests that nineteenth-century campaigns to steal, export, and re-signify art and antiquities sometimes fell short of their ambitions.


2012 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-52

The economic development of Sweden at the end of the second decade of the nineteenth century accentuated the interest of the Swedish ruling circles to valorize the new economic potential. A series of measures, as the dissolution of the terrestrial customs between Sweden and Norway in 1825, or the abolition of the protectionist policy in imports, opened the way for the conclusion of certain commercial treaties with other states, such as that with Great Britain in 1826 or with the Ottoman Empire in 1827. Consequently, the commercial fleet, especially the Norwegian one, registered a substantial development. In this context, the Swedish diplomacy continued to pay close attention to Eastern Europe where favorable conditions for the extension of the foreign trade of Sweden and Norway could be found. This space, where the Romanian Principalities were located, had a geostrategic position and economic potential that had to be valorized. In order to achieve this goal, Sweden appointed consuls and vice consuls in the Romanian Principalities. The attempt to appoint a vice consul to Bucharest between 1834 and 1835 circumscribes this effort. The information regarding these demarches came from Swedish diplomatic reports, held in the funds of the National Archives of Sweden (Sveriges Riksarkivet), from Stockholm and offers, among many other details which may serve to broaden the horizon of the research regarding the history of Romanian-Swedish relations in the first half of the nineteenth century, an image of the Lutheran community from the capital of Wallachia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-437
Author(s):  
Christos Aliprantis

This article investigates the policing measures of the Habsburg Empire against the exiled defeated revolutionaries in the Mediterranean after the 1848–1849 revolutions. The examination of this counter-revolutionary policy reveals the pioneering role Austria played in international policing. It shows, in particular, that Vienna invested more heavily in policing in the Mediterranean after 1848 than it did in other regions, such as Western Europe, due to the multitude of ‘Forty-Eighters’ settled there and the alleged inadequacy of the local polities (e.g., the Ottoman Empire, Greece) to satisfactorily deal with the refugee question themselves. The article explains that Austria made use of a wide array of both official and unofficial techniques to contain these allegedly dangerous political dissidents. These methods ranged from official police collaboration with Greece and the Ottoman Empire to more subtle regional information exchanges with Naples and Russia. However, they also included purely unilateral methods exercised by the Austrian consuls, Austrian Lloyd sailors and ship captains, and ad hoc recruited secret agents to monitor the émigrés at large. Overall, the article argues that Austrian policymakers in the aftermath of 1848 invented new policing formulas and reshaped different pre-existing institutions (e.g., consuls, Austrian Lloyd), channelling them against their opponents in exile. Therefore, apart from surveying early modes of international policing, this study also adds to the discussion about Austrian (and European) state-building and, furthermore, to the more specific discussion of how European states dealt with political dissidents abroad in the nineteenth century.


Author(s):  
أبو صالح محمد طه

الحريّة حقّ للناس لا فضل، والدولة الحرة أو المنطقة الحرة نشّطت قيم الناس الوطنية وصداقتها للوطن، وشعوره للنفس من جديد، وقد تحطم العالم العربي في النصف الأخير من القرن التاسع عشر من الناحية السياسية والاقتصادية، وقد سعى وتسلط كل من الفرنسيين والبريطانيين والروس على العالم العربي ونجحوا في ذلك، وكانت الخلافة التركية حينذاك ضعيفة جدا في زمن استعباد الامّة العربية ظهر بعض شعراء العربية الذين أصدروا الموضوعات الجديدة في شعرهم، وظهر في شعرهم  الدعوة إلى حريّة البلاد والسيادة المطلقة والصداقة للوطن، واستقرار الحالة السياسية والاقتصادية المعاصرة؛ إذ إن الشاعر معروف الرصافي كتب قصيدة عن حكومة الانتداب ودمشق تندب أهلها والحرية في سياسة المستعمرين وغيرها، وكذلك كتب محمود سامي البارودي وحافظ إبراهيم وأحمد شوقي وغيرهم من الشعراء فيها، وتوسّع نفوذ هذه الأشعار في الامّة العربية، وتنبه الناس إليها، وحصلت الامّة العربية على حريّة بلادها، وبدأ تبعث حب الوطن، والنشاط في بث الروح الوطنية، لتكون البلاد سالمة وآمنة من خطر من الإرهاب والفساد، وهذا هو تصوير هذه المقالة. الكلمات المفتاحية: الشعر، مراحل الشعر، الإسلام، الشعراء، الحرية. Abstract Freedom is a right for people, not a grace. A free state or zone can revitalize the national values of the people, their patriotism and self-consciousness. The Arab world fell into serious political and economic crisis in the second half of the nineteenth century. In such juncture, France, the Great Britain and the Russia each of them, tried to establish their dominance on the Arab world and they became successful due to the weak administration of the Ottoman Empire. In this colonial era, poet and literary men have flourished their literary works introduced in a new horizon. In their poetry there was a call for freedom, sovereignty, patriotism and the stability of the contemporary political and economic situation. For example, the poet Maarof Al-Rasafi wrote about mandatory government, and how Damascus cried for their people and freedom in the policy of colonial. The same themes were written by other poets such as Mahmood Sami Al-Barudi. These all are portrayed in this paper. Keywords: Poetry, stages of poetry, Islam, poets, freedom.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Jessica M. Marglin

This article examines the intersection between extraterritoriality--privileges afforded to European subjects in the Islamic Mediterranean--and various forms of state membership. To capture the multiplicity and instability of state membership, I introduce the phrase “legal belonging”--a neutral, umbrella term that encompasses a wide range of bonds between individuals and states (usually referred to as subjecthood, nationality, or citizenship). Adopting the methods of global legal history, I look at how laws regulating legal belonging responded to the extraterritorial context of the Mediterranean in both European and Middle Eastern states. In so doing, I offer an alternative to the centrifugal narrative of modernization, which presumes that modern citizenship was invented in Europe and then exported to the Islamic world. Instead, I contend that the evolution of legal belonging on both sides of the Mediterranean developed in response to the challenges and opportunities presented by extraterritoriality. The article consists of two cases studies: first, I look at the regulation of legal belonging in Tunisia, the Ottoman Empire, and Morocco, arguing that this legislation responded to the challenges posed by extraterritoriality. Second, I examine the influence of extraterritorial regimes on the nationality of Algerians under French colonial rule.


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