scholarly journals Transnational Policing after the 1848–1849 Revolutions: The Habsburg Empire in the Mediterranean

2020 ◽  
Vol 50 (3) ◽  
pp. 412-437
Author(s):  
Christos Aliprantis

This article investigates the policing measures of the Habsburg Empire against the exiled defeated revolutionaries in the Mediterranean after the 1848–1849 revolutions. The examination of this counter-revolutionary policy reveals the pioneering role Austria played in international policing. It shows, in particular, that Vienna invested more heavily in policing in the Mediterranean after 1848 than it did in other regions, such as Western Europe, due to the multitude of ‘Forty-Eighters’ settled there and the alleged inadequacy of the local polities (e.g., the Ottoman Empire, Greece) to satisfactorily deal with the refugee question themselves. The article explains that Austria made use of a wide array of both official and unofficial techniques to contain these allegedly dangerous political dissidents. These methods ranged from official police collaboration with Greece and the Ottoman Empire to more subtle regional information exchanges with Naples and Russia. However, they also included purely unilateral methods exercised by the Austrian consuls, Austrian Lloyd sailors and ship captains, and ad hoc recruited secret agents to monitor the émigrés at large. Overall, the article argues that Austrian policymakers in the aftermath of 1848 invented new policing formulas and reshaped different pre-existing institutions (e.g., consuls, Austrian Lloyd), channelling them against their opponents in exile. Therefore, apart from surveying early modes of international policing, this study also adds to the discussion about Austrian (and European) state-building and, furthermore, to the more specific discussion of how European states dealt with political dissidents abroad in the nineteenth century.

2019 ◽  
Vol 23 (6) ◽  
pp. 542-565
Author(s):  
F. Özden Mercan

Abstract During the sixteenth century Genoa became a significant ally of the Habsburg Empire. Shared political, commercial, financial, and strategic factors tied the Genoese patricians firmly to Spain. However, their alliance was by no means permanent. The relations between the Genoese and the Spanish crown were not without tensions and conflict. In the mid-sixteenth century, the combination of various factors set the stage for Genoa to reconfigure its alliances in the Mediterranean. Having fallen victim to the Habsburg and Valois conflict and being torn between the two, Genoa was forced to resort to an alternative imperial power, the Ottoman Empire, to protect its integrity and independence, as well as to engage in the Levant trade. This article focuses on this moment of crisis in Genoa and analyzes how it led the Genoese to consider shifting their alliance from the Habsburgs to the Ottomans, who were the former’s most compelling rival in the Mediterranean. Although the Genoese endeavor ultimately ended in failure, the idea of a potential alliance with the Ottomans and the efforts Genoa invested in its diplomatic negotiations provides insight into the strategies a small state used to survive at a time when imperial rivalry over the Mediterranean was escalating.


HISTOREIN ◽  
2016 ◽  
Vol 15 (2) ◽  
pp. 30
Author(s):  
Thomas Gallant

<p class="Default"><span lang="EN-IE">To study the phenomenon of revolution meaningfully in a cross-cultural context, scholars need frameworks of analysis that allow them to compare and contrast specific revolutions and to identify the factors that explain why certain sociopolitical systems are prone to rebellions and others are not. This article puts forth one such framework focusing on pre- and postrevolutionary violence. Revolution is a violent act and requires men and women who are ready, willing and able to perpetrate violence on behalf of a cause. The model proposes two ideal-type regimes of violence and suggests that some regimes are more violent-prone than others and that those regimes are also more susceptible to revolution. It suggests further that state-building after revolutions entails a process of reforming the regime of violence. The article ends by examining the case of Greece and the Ottoman empire over the long nineteenth century, showing how the models help us to better understand revolutionary and postrevolutionary regimes of violence. </span></p>


2018 ◽  
pp. 50-77
Author(s):  
Bonnie Effros

This chapter explores how the French discovery of Roman ruins in Algeria was used to legitimate its annexation of the territory. Intellectuals and politicians argued that the Ottoman Empire was illegitimate; France was the true heir of the shared Latinate civilization created by the Roman Empire. The new French Empire would simply reunite the Mediterranean world. These efforts were, however, thwarted by both human and material actors. Parisian museum administrators thought that the North African finds were of low quality and not of much interest. French colonists argued, by contrast, that the Roman artifacts should stay in Algeria, to help build a French imperial identity. And the things themselves resisted; they broke when soldiers tried to extract them and their weight sank the ships used to transport them. The chapter then suggests that nineteenth-century campaigns to steal, export, and re-signify art and antiquities sometimes fell short of their ambitions.


1998 ◽  
Vol 43 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-436 ◽  
Author(s):  
Khaled Fahmy

“Could a Nation, in any true sense of the word, really be born without war?” Such was the question raised by Michael Howard, the eminent Oxford military historian in a public lecture delivered on the topic of “War and the Nation State”. Looking generally at European history in the past two centuries he argued that war was indeed central for the appearance of the modern nation-state and that modern armies are somehow intimately linked to the rise of nationalism. During the first half of the nineteenth century this argument could very well be applied to Egypt. Having been incorporated in the Ottoman Empire for more than two and a half centuries, Egypt, by the beginning the nineteenth century and mostly through an unprecedented war effort that was concurrent and often synonymous with state-building, had come to play an increasingly independent role on the international plane.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-28
Author(s):  
Jessica M. Marglin

This article examines the intersection between extraterritoriality--privileges afforded to European subjects in the Islamic Mediterranean--and various forms of state membership. To capture the multiplicity and instability of state membership, I introduce the phrase “legal belonging”--a neutral, umbrella term that encompasses a wide range of bonds between individuals and states (usually referred to as subjecthood, nationality, or citizenship). Adopting the methods of global legal history, I look at how laws regulating legal belonging responded to the extraterritorial context of the Mediterranean in both European and Middle Eastern states. In so doing, I offer an alternative to the centrifugal narrative of modernization, which presumes that modern citizenship was invented in Europe and then exported to the Islamic world. Instead, I contend that the evolution of legal belonging on both sides of the Mediterranean developed in response to the challenges and opportunities presented by extraterritoriality. The article consists of two cases studies: first, I look at the regulation of legal belonging in Tunisia, the Ottoman Empire, and Morocco, arguing that this legislation responded to the challenges posed by extraterritoriality. Second, I examine the influence of extraterritorial regimes on the nationality of Algerians under French colonial rule.


Author(s):  
Ekmeleddin Ihsanoglu

This book examines the process of founding a Western institution, namely a university, in the Ottoman Empire, a cultural environment wholly different from its place of origin in Western Europe. This study sheds new light on an important and pioneering experiment involving both Islamic and Western cultures. It tracks the multifaceted transformation at work in İstanbul during the transition from classical to modern modes of scientific education. As well as explaining the origins of the Darülfünun and the motivations for its founding, this study also highlights the impact of the Ottoman University outside the Ottoman domain. To put this study in the right perspective, concise introductory information is given regarding the origin of the university in Europe, the modernization of the university in the nineteenth century, and the diffusion of the university as an institution of higher education outside Europe, specifically to the Muslim world.


2005 ◽  
pp. 13-21
Author(s):  
Yu.M. Kochubey

Speaking of Islam or Muslims, they have long been known in Western Europe, starting with the conquest of the Iberian Peninsula, the Mediterranean, the Battle of Guiatti. Later, there were the Crusades, the expansion of the Ottomans in the Balkans and Central Europe, the North African corsairs, and the colonial expansion of Europeans on Muslim land, in particular, under the Ottoman Empire.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (10-2) ◽  
pp. 176-184
Author(s):  
Dmitry Nechevin ◽  
Leonard Kolodkin

The article is devoted to the prerequisites of the reforms of the Russian Empire of the sixties of the nineteenth century, their features, contradictions: the imperial status of foreign policy and the lagging behind the countries of Western Europe in special political, economic relations. The authors studied the activities of reformers and the nobility on the peasant question, as well as legitimate conservatism.


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