scholarly journals ARMENIA: AN UNEASY CHOICE BETWEEN RUSSIA'S NEW INITIATIVES AND THE EU EASTERN PARTNERSHIP

2014 ◽  
pp. 31-36
Author(s):  
M. Y. Vardazaryan
Keyword(s):  
Economic Factor ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The West ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Strategic Cooperation ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

The article studies the problems of foreign policy orientations of the Republic of Armenia, first of all those concerning "Russian" and "European" integration processes. Particularly, the main stages and peculiarities of Armenia's cooperation with the EU are presented. The author reflects upon the issue of the essence of the status and perspectives of associated membership in the EU. Revealing the difficulties within the EU and on the CIS territory, the author analyzes the capabilities of Armenia to combine, on the one hand, economic integration with the West and, on the other, military-political integration with the East. The article identifies the reasons of "freezing" Armenian-Russian relations in early 2013. Examining the perspectives of the Association Agreement with the EU and of membership in the Customs Union and taking into account the complex geopolitical situation in the region, analyzing all the facets of Armenia's economic and political collaboration both with the EU and RF, the author comes to the conclusion that Yerevan's choice of September 35 3,2013 is expedient and justified. Deepened strategic cooperation with Moscow, first of all, provides military and energy security of Armenia, although the economic factor shouldn't be underestimated. The author draws attention to the fact that Armenia's involvement in the Customs Union avails it the opportunity to keep collaborating with the European Union, however, from a more powerful position, which we have already witnessed through the alterations in the tone of some European officials.

Cyprus and the European Union

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stelios Stavridis ◽  
Charalambos Tsardanidis
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Eu Accession ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The North ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Republic Of Cyprus ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

The Republic of Cyprus (or Cyprus) joined the European Union (EU) in May 2004 and adopted the single currency (the euro) in 2008. This article consists of three parts: it begins with a historical contextualization, explaining the reasons for Cyprus’ application for an Association Agreement with the (then) European Economic Community (EEC), and also examining the latter´s reaction and policy towards the 1974 Turkish invasion following a failed coup d´état against the Makarios Presidency that has led to a divided island since then (Part 1). In brief, what is known as the “Cyprus Problem.” This part also looks at the evolution of the Association Agreement during the period since 1975 which ended with the conclusion of a customs union Agreement between Cyprus and the European Community in 1987. The article next turns to an analysis of the Republic of Cyprus´ EU accession negotiations process (Part 2). It also covers the impact (or lack thereof) of various reunification plans, and most notably what is seen as the culmination of such efforts in the so-called 2002–2004 Annan Plans. The following section presents an assessment of how Cyprus has fared as a member state since it joined the EU (Part 3). It covers several key questions regarding the EU–Cyprus relationship. Whereas this article is not about the Cyprus problem itself, but as will be made clear throughout this study, it remains the dominant issue for the island. Others issues encompass EU relations with the Turkish-Cypriot community, the question of Turkey´s EU accession, the impact of the economic crisis of 2013, as well as energy security considerations following the discovery of gas in the region. The study concludes that being in the EU offers better perspectives for the Republic of Cyprus than if it had been kept outside it. If only because as the Accession Treaty makes it clear: it is the whole island that has joined the EU albeit the acquis communautaire cannot apply to the north, occupied, part of the Island following the invasion by Turkey. But all Cypriots are EU citizens. Yet, to a large extent, the experience of Cyprus prior to and after EU membership also reflects the kind of specific problems that a “small state” is facing in its international relations.

scholarly journals Integration of Republica Moldova to the EU: Real Conditions and Perspectives (the 1990ʼs of the 20th – early of the 21st century)

2018 ◽  
pp. 287-295
Author(s):  
Halyna Melnychuk
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
European Integration ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Cultural Integration ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
Existing Problems ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

This article presents important steps and achievements accomplished by the Republic of Moldova towards integration, by analysing its collaboration with the European Union.  The development of relations with the EU is the priority goal that Moldova strives for, which means not only economic, but also political and cultural integration.  The first steps of the Republic of Moldova towards the EU were encouraging.  After years of isolation, this process was difficult and required a lot of efforts.  This is due to many reasons, the most important of which are Russia's political and economic pressure, theunresolved issue in Transnistria, the ideological and geopolitical schisms of the population, some of which see their future with Russia, and the other part with Europe.  Despite the existing problems, cooperation with the EU has yielded tangible results: the EU-Moldova Association Agreement has been signed, the visa regime has been abolished and financial support for the socioeconomic and public sectors is provided.  Moldova, for its part, is making great efforts to form a single political, economic and cultural educational space with the EU, which supports its efforts in the process of European integration.  Its speed and success largely depend on the country itself, its economic and political development.  A strong statepolicymaking aimed at strengthening reforms and stimulating the transition to a market economy in accordance with the international principles is inherent in the future development of Moldova. Keywords: Republic of Moldova, European Union,European Integration, foreign policy, Transniestrian conflict

scholarly journals Accession to the European Union and Perception of External Actors in the Western Balkans

2018 ◽  
Vol 24 (83) ◽  
pp. 6-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dejan Jović
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Public Opinion ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The West ◽  
Eu Policies ◽  
The Republic ◽  
External Actors ◽  
The Eu

Abstract This paper focuses on perceptions of the European Union (EU) and external actors (such as the United States, Russia, and Turkey) in six countries of the Western Balkans (WB) and Croatia in a comparative perspective. We present data generated by public opinion polls and surveys in all countries of that region in order to illustrate growing trends of EU indifferentism in all predominately Slavic countries of the region. In addition, there is an open rejection of pro-EU policies by significant segments of public opinion in Serbia and in the Republic of Srpska, Bosnia-Herzegovina. On the contrary, there is much enthusiasm and support for the West in general and the EU in particular in predominately non-Slavic countries, Kosovo and Albania. We argue that the WB as a region defined by alleged desire of all countries to join the the EU is more of an elite concept than that shared by the general population, which remains divided over the issue of EU membership. In explaining reasons for such a gap we emphasise a role of interpretation of the recent past, especially when it comes to a role the West played in the region during the 1990s.

Naddniestrze w polityce Unii Europejskiej i Rosji

2016 ◽  
pp. 30-46
Author(s):  
Jakub Lachert
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Attractive Alternative ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Republic Of Moldova ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

The fundamental thesis of this paper is that the European Union has, at its disposal, economic and political tools to resolve conflict in Transnistria. The EU Association Agreement signed with the Republic of Moldova is an important instrument which could be used to reintegrate Transnistria with Moldova. In the long term, the flourishing Moldavian economy associated with the EU might prove a more attractive alternative for Tiraspol than dependence on unpredictable Russia. However, Russia continues to play an important part in the efforts to solve the conflict.

scholarly journals Brexit: signs of disintegration of the EU customs union under the conditions of globalization

2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 52-62
Author(s):  
І. М. Квеліашвілі
Keyword(s):  
European Integration ◽  
Future Perspective ◽  
Final Decision ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Eu

The processes of changing the world's space, turning it into a single zone, the unimpeded movement of goods, services, information, capital are aspects of the globalization of world economies. In this space, ideas that contribute to the development of relevant institutional formations and form their communicative connections are more freely distributed. Ukraine is on the way to solving the European integration tasks defined in the Association Agreement with the EU, the implementation of customs legislation, the purpose of which is not only the establishment and existence of a free trade zone, but also a more in-depth integration. The purpose of the article is to review possible scenarios concerning the conditions of movement of goods across the customs border, in the event of a final decision on the withdrawal of Great Britain from the EU Customs Unio  Today, it has already been recognized that the integration persistence of the EU Customs Union was threatened by the name Brexit. This phenomenon, as a challenge to integration in a globalized world, gives impetus to a moderate choice of concept and form of integration for the future perspective of economic development of the member countries and candidate -countries for membership in the Community. The European integration policy of Ukraine's economic policy, along with urgent issues requiring a priority solution and fulfillment of obligations, should also be considered under the criterion of probable risks and threats to national interests. The article gives moderate arguments from UK analysts regarding the UK's exit from the EU, the urgent issues regarding the varied prospects of customs relations between the European Union and the UK, as well as the EU Customs Union. Influence of possible scenarios of "soft Brexit", "hard Brexit" on foreign economic activity of the country and its activity.

scholarly journals The Status of Northern Ireland after Brexit: Probable Models

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Serhii Rudko
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Kingdom ◽  
Northern Ireland ◽  
Customs Union ◽  
German Version ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
The Future ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Eu

The article highlights one of the main issues related to the UK's withdrawal from the European Union, Northern Ireland’s new status, in particular, the status of the border between NI and the Republic of Ireland. It has been an ‘apple of discord’ from the first stage and during the last stage of the Brexit negotiations. The future ‘hard’ or ‘soft’ Irish-British border is not a problem in the negotiations between the United Kingdom and the European Union only, but is also a serious domestic political challenge for Theresa May’s government. The article explains possible models of the future status of Northern Ireland. The most probable solutions are: a ‘reverse Greenland’, a ‘reverse Cyprus’ and a ‘German version’. Following the Good Friday Agreement of 1998, the EU invested heavily in supporting border communities for the development of small business and industry, which improved the economic situation in the area of the former conflict and facilitated border dialogue. However, it led to the fact that many enterprises were oriented towards the EU market or border trade. The article concludes that the ‘reverse Greenland’ model would enable Northern Ireland to remain in the single market and customs union apart from the rest of Great Britain, which would prevent the establishment of a tight boundary between both Irelands. The author outlined the possible implications of the ‘reverse Cyprus’ model, which suggests that the United Kingdom would technically remain a part of the EU, and that the EU’s legislation would be suspended only on its separate parts (that is, Wales and England). The researcher emphasizes that the ‘German version’ could be applied in the case of future reunification of both Irelands, then Northern Ireland would remain a part of the EU until its new status on the referendum have been resolved. The article summarized that no examples above provide a precise analogy, since Brexit is unprecedented event. The most likely models of the Northern Ireland’s future are the ‘reverse Greenland’ and the ‘reverse Cyprus’

The second attempt to negotiate the association agreement

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arantza Gomez Arana
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Latin American ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Crisis ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
The Moment ◽  
The One ◽  
The Right ◽  
The Eu

From the moment the European Union and Mercosur stopped their negotiations there was not progress or a real intention to re-start the negotiations again until 2010. Officially the EU and Mercosur “continued” negotiating the Association Agreement but it is fair to say that after such a failure at the last minute in October 2004, both sides becoming cautious in their hopes for a successful agreement. Considering that the negotiations failed publicly it is understandable to expect some years of “healing” before considering a new attempt. One more time, the right momentum was necessary to facilitate the re-launching of the negotiations. The economic environment was completely different from 2004. At this moment Europe is the one recovering from a financial crisis and from a weak Eurozone, while in Latin America this international crisis did not have that much of an effect. However in 2004 Brazil and Argentina were recovering from the economic crisis of the late 1990s early 2000s. The negotiations between the EU and other Latin American regional groups or individual countries were being successful. At the same time a third major investor and trader became an important piece of the puzzle, China. To some extent this could be seen as a better scenario for a successful agreement between both regions. The facilitator of the re-launching of the negotiations was one more time the Spanish presidency of 2010. Since then, several meetings have taken place between the EU and Mercosur, the last one in mid June in Brussels 2015.

GREENLAND INDEPENDENCE – A VOICE IN THE DISCUSSION

2019 ◽  
Vol 1 (XIX) ◽  
pp. 233-255
Author(s):  
Dariusz Rozmus
Keyword(s):  
Middle Ages ◽  
Foreign Capital ◽  
Foreign Workers ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Complete Independence ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
The Status ◽  
The Difference ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

The pursuit of independence is deeply rooted in the soul of the inhabitants of Greenland. The difference in the approach to this problem amounts to the establishment of the time and the conditions on the basis of which Greenland is supposed to become independent. The island, which is the greatest island in the world, has huge deposits of minerals, including metals of rare-earth metals and uranium. On the one hand, complete independence may be an opportunity for the development for the inhabitants but on the other hand, independence may also become a source of numerous dangers. Is Greenland, a country with a slight native population, able to cope – in terms of organisation and the available staff – with the expansion of foreign capital, including the great numbers of foreign workers who are engaged in the development of industrial infrastructure? Is it not better to continue the status quo – a relationship (even a loose one) with Denmark, and thus a relationship with the European Union? A close relationship with the EU and the NATO may, in the future, be consistent with the interests of Greenlanders. In the remote and in the most recent past, Greenland was colonised by the peoples of the Far North (paleo-Eskimo and Eskimo peoples) and Scandinavians. Both Scandinavians – in the early Middle Ages – and subsequently the Inuit populated abandoned lands, lands which belonged to no one. To put it explicitly, no one stole land from anyone. Therefore it is important that in the discussion about the problem of independence which continues between Greenlanders and Danes one should not place historical problems as questions which render dialogue difficult.

scholarly journals Compliance of domestic criminal legislation in the field of international and judicial cooperation with the EU acquis in the fight against organized crime: Security aspect

2020 ◽  
Vol 54 (4) ◽  
pp. 1575-1586
Author(s):  
Emina Radosavljević
Keyword(s):  
Organized Crime ◽  
Legal Framework ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Judicial Cooperation ◽  
Member States ◽  
Legislative Framework ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

The area of the European Union (EU) is characterized by general liberalization, ie. "Free flow of people, goods, services, and capital", which is why the organized crime with international elements seriously affects the security of entire regions. Given that no country, regardless of its resources, can confront the threats of the global environment on its own, the need to create a single legislative framework aimed at strengthening the internal security system of the EU and its member states have become necessary. The mentioned unified legislation leads to the centralization of the security area at the supranational level, ie. delegation of competencies of the Member States to the institutions of the Union. In the global fight against organized crime, with the entry into force of the Law on Ratification of Stabilization and Association Agreements between the European Communities and their Member States, on the one hand, and The Republic of Serbia, on the other1 Serbia has committed itself to gradually harmonizing its national legal framework with acquis communautaire, as well as to apply them consistently. Given that, in this paper will be considered the harmonization of certain provisions of the Law on Organization and Competences of State Bodies in the Suppression of Organized Crime, Terrorism and Corruption, ie. international cooperation in criminal matters systematized in Chapter 24 - Justice, Freedom, and Security.

scholarly journals Cooperation Between The Republic Of Serbia And European Union In The Period Of Opening Negotiations On Accession

2014 ◽  
Vol 52 (3) ◽  
pp. 281-296
Author(s):  
Maja Gavrilović ◽  
Dragana Radenković Jocić
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Gross Domestic Product ◽  
Institutional Framework ◽  
Candidate Country ◽  
Special Importance ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Association Agreement ◽  
Economic Issues ◽  
The Republic ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The negotiation act between Serbia and the European Union began on the basis of Article 49 of the EU Contract. The act and development of negotiations will be led by Serbia’s progress in the accession preparation, especially within the frame of economic and social convergence. The progress will be measured especially in meeting the Copenhagen criteria, as well as the requirements defined by the Stabilization and Association Agreement. Also, the accession implies accepting the institutional framework of the Union, known as acquis. Acquis special importance for Serbia as a candidate country have regarding economic issues and its jurisdiction. In this sense, it is of great importance to have an overview of facts presented in the paper, which relate to certain economic categories, primarily the movement of Gross domestic product and rate of (un)employment, as well as the steps that Serbia took on their way to the Union.

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