Religious Regulation in Iran

Author(s):  
Mehran Tamadonfar ◽  
Roman B. Lewis

The history of religious minority politics and rights in Iran dates back to the early periods of the ancient Persian Empire. With the passage of time, expansion of the empire led to increased religious pluralism that necessitated official religious tolerance and accommodation. With the adoption of Shi’a Islam as the official religion of the country at the outset of the 16th century, which was largely motivated by the monarchs’ search for greater political legitimacy, Shi’ism was gradually linked to Persian monarchism and was effectively integrated into the Persian national identity and values. The growing influence of Shi’ism empowered the Shi’a clerical establishment that effectively sought exclusionary and discriminatory policies toward religious and sectarian minorities. With the establishment of the Islamic Republic in the aftermath of the revolution in the late 1970s, religious minority politics in Iran gained a more complex and nuanced dimension that facilitated Shi’a dominance and ushered in increasingly exclusionary and discriminatory governmental policies that have undermined religious and sectarian minority rights. This article surveys the history of religious pluralism and regulation in pre-Islamic Persia as well as pre-revolutionary Iran, and examines the legal and practical underpinnings of religious regulation in the Islamic Republic. While Islam does account for certain exclusive rights for Muslims in an Islamic state, it explicitly rejects discrimination against the Peoples of the Book (ahl-al Kitab). To a large extent, the current discriminatory practices against religious and sectarian minorities in Iran are rooted in the regime’s advocacy for sectarian exclusivity and political self-interests, which have very little to do with the Islamic worldview.

2019 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 51-64
Author(s):  
Ken Miichi ◽  
Yuka Kayane

AbstractAn increasing number of reports and studies on offenses against religious minorities has been published in Indonesia since the country's democratic transition in 1998. While the literature on intolerance unveils the young democracy's institutional problems which have undermined and eroded minority rights, such as direct elections and the lack of judicial independence, it leaves many critical questions to address. Although the number of victims of religious intolerance increased, in the same institutional settings, a large number of religious minorities has managed to prevent escalating violence and avoid being targeted by intolerant groups. Under what circumstances and how do minorities deter attacks in a time of heightened tension against them under a democratic system that has afforded them little protection? This article sheds light on the case of the Shi'a who suffered a series of attacks in Sampang, Madura in the East Java province, but have since gradually developed resilience. A series of attacks in Sampang in 2011–12 was one of the most destructive events against religious minorities in Indonesia. Examining the Sampang incidents, this article argues that if the religious minority can develop a cohesive network with elements of the majority capable of mobilising state power, it would build a safety net preventing attacks by intolerant groups. Thus, this article aims to develop our understanding of how religious minorities address violence caused by hostile socio-political forces and adapt to Indonesia's democracy.


ICR Journal ◽  
2010 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 18-45
Author(s):  
Mohammad Hashim Kamali

The long history of Islamic scholarship on caliphate, shari’ah-oriented policy (siyasah shar'iyyah) and system of government (nizam al-hukm) has yielded a rich legacy which is, nevertheless, beset with uncertainties in conjunction with modern developments on government and constitutional law. Uncertainties have persisted over the basic concept and definition of an Islamic polity and the existence or otherwise of a valid precedent and model for an Islamic state. This is partially caused by a tendency in modern writings to apply the nation-state ideas of eighteenth-century Europe to the events of early Islam some twelve centuries earlier and doubtful parallels that have been attempted to be drawn between them. This article attempts first to identify the causes of the problem and then proceeds with an overview of the evidence in the Qur’an and Sunnah and contributions of a cross-section of schools and scholars on the subject. This is followed by a general characterisation of an Islamic system of rule under five sub-headings, the first of which describing Islamic government whether Islamic state, and Iran in particular, is a theocracy, whether Islam stands for a qualified democracy, and whether it also upholds separation of powers. The last section discusses freedom of religion and religious pluralism in an Islamic polity followed by a conclusion and recommendations.  


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-288
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rais

In the 1935 the name of Persia was succeeded by Iran, and then in Revolution 1979, Iran was became Islamic Republic of Iran state (al-Jumhuria al-Islamia Iran). Ayatullah Khomeini as revolutionary leader and Syiah figure was successfully lead the Iran State to fuse between modern and al-Imam conception (Imamiyah). The paper will describe the existence of Islam in history of Iran before and after Iran Revolution in 1979. The development of Islam in Iran more related to the Syiah that dominated in population, politics, social order, and so forth. Iran population (in 2000) amount to 159.051.000 people, that 93% is Syiah, 5% Sunni, and 2% the others. It means the number of Syiah population that juridical Iran as Islamic State of Syiah. Therefore, to know about the history of Islam in Iran, we must to understand of the Syiah. In other word, the development of Islam in Iran is related to the development of Syiah in Iran, because of prescribed by the rules of qanun (legal statute of Iran) after Iran Revolution (1979) was based on mazhab Syiah, is Wilāyat al-Faqīh. However, upon Ayatullah Khomeini death, on June 3rd 1989, after Gulf War, Ali Khomeini successes to the government. Under his government, Ali Khomaeini which involves the ulama reforms the characters of liberal Western to Islamic in social order of society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 10 (2) ◽  
pp. 273-288
Author(s):  
Muhammad Rais

In the 1935 the name of Persia was succeeded by Iran, and then in Revolution 1979, Iran was became Islamic Republic of Iran state (al-Jumhuria al-Islamia Iran). Ayatullah Khomeini as revolutionary leader and Syiah figure was successfully lead the Iran State to fuse between modern and al-Imam conception (Imamiyah). The paper will describe the existence of Islam in history of Iran before and after Iran Revolution in 1979. The development of Islam in Iran more related to the Syiah that dominated in population, politics, social order, and so forth. Iran population (in 2000) amount to 159.051.000 people, that 93% is Syiah, 5% Sunni, and 2% the others. It means the number of Syiah population that juridical Iran as Islamic State of Syiah. Therefore, to know about the history of Islam in Iran, we must to understand of the Syiah. In other word, the development of Islam in Iran is related to the development of Syiah in Iran, because of prescribed by the rules of qanun (legal statute of Iran) after Iran Revolution (1979) was based on mazhab Syiah, is Wilāyat al-Faqīh. However, upon Ayatullah Khomeini death, on June 3rd 1989, after Gulf War, Ali Khomeini successes to the government. Under his government, Ali Khomaeini which involves the ulama reforms the characters of liberal Western to Islamic in social order of society


2020 ◽  
Vol 27 (3) ◽  
pp. 580-602
Author(s):  
Mostafa Fazaeli, ◽  
Mousa Karami ◽  
Sorayya Asadi

It appears that in accordance with the regulations of International Minority Rights Law, Iranian Sunni Muslims constitute a religious minority. The instrumental aim of the minorities’ protection system is to prevent conflict between persons belonging to minorities and those of majority populations in the light of territorial integrity, domestic stability and the national security of the states involved. The authors maintain that protecting the Sunni minority and observing their internationally recognised rights in Iran – through removing the reasons behind dissatisfactions of persons belonging to this group, resolving potential religious conflicts and promoting national integration – have a direct link with the maintenance of internal stability of the country, which, in the long term, tend to reinforce Iran’s national security and provide a good pattern for other countries in the region or other parts of the world.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-235
Author(s):  
Jairan Gahan

Abstract This article investigates the history of the formation of the red-light district of Tehran in 1922, to tackle larger questions about the genealogy of the constitutional Islamic state in Iran in the twentieth century. Through an engagement with the Islamic local campaign against prostitution and the state's subsequent sovereign decision to form the district, this article demonstrates how Islamic public sensibilities moved to the forefront of analytics of governance, under postconstitutional state formations (1911–). This revisionist narrative remaps the force of religion in Tehran, a city that is so often glossed as a case of state-oriented top-down secularization and subsequent Islamization in the twentieth century. The aim is not to question the process of secularization or to render it incomplete, but to demonstrate how secularism in Iran negotiated and consolidated a particular relationship between Islam and sovereign modern rule. As such, this work reads the history of the district against the grain of the grand narrative of the Islamic Revolution's (1979) moment of rupture to trace the genealogical roots of moral governance in the Islamic Republic today, within the postconstitutional state formations in the early twentieth century.


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 175-204
Author(s):  
H. E. Chehabi ◽  
Asghar Schirazi

Abstract Contemporary Iran plays a special role in the history of Islamic constitutionalism, as the constitution of 1979 was the first attempt since the debates over Pakistan’s Islamic Republic to derive the basic law of a modern state from Islamic principles. The Islamic Republic that came into being that year combines, as the name implies, Islamic and republican principles, which find institutional expression in a state that combines theocratic and republican organs. Iran was thus the first state in modern times in which sections of the ulema took direct control of the state. In this article we will first provide a historical context for the emergence of the idea of an Islamic state and its central principle, the dominion of the Shiʿi jurisprudent or velāyat-e faqih (from Arabic wilāyat al-faqih). This will be followed by a discussion of the process of constitution making, leading to a close examination of the constitution itself and the debates to which its various parts gave rise.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (4(73)) ◽  
pp. 52-55
Author(s):  
M.A. Nazmutdinova ◽  
O.M. Burenkova

After studying the history of the Islamic state in Spain –the Cordova Caliphate -Heinrich Heine wrote the tragedy «Almanzor». The production of the tragedy on the stage of the theater was unsuccessful. The young poet and translator SagitSuncheleytranslated it into Tatar language. Reviews were both negative and positive. The censors did not allow the tragedy on the stage.


Author(s):  
Michael C. Hawley

By any metric, Cicero’s works are some of the most widely read in the history of Western thought. This book suggests that perhaps Cicero’s most lasting and significant contribution to philosophy lies in helping to inspire the development of liberalism. Individual rights, the protection of private property, and political legitimacy based on the consent of the governed are often taken to be among early modern liberalism’s unique innovations and part of its rebellion against classical thought. However, this book demonstrates that Cicero’s thought played a central role in shaping and inspiring the liberal republican project. Cicero argued that liberty for individuals could arise only in a res publica in which the claims of the people to be sovereign were somehow united with a commitment to universal moral law, which limits what the people can rightfully do. Figures such as Hugo Grotius, John Locke, and John Adams sought to work through the tensions in Cicero’s vision, laying the groundwork for a theory of politics in which the freedom of the individual and the people’s collective right to rule were mediated by natural law. This book traces the development of this intellectual tradition from Cicero’s original articulation through the American founding. It concludes by exploring how modern political ideas remain dependent on the conception of just politics first elaborated by Rome’s great philosopher-statesman.


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