Journalistic Depictions of Violence Against Women in Mexico

Author(s):  
Alice Driver

This article analyzes journalistic depictions of violence against girls and women in Mexico in the context of several high-profile cases that have played out in the country over the past two decades. The argument is that the mainstream media uses two primary tactics to blame victims for the violence they have experienced: (a) claim that the victims are responsible for their own crimes by presenting sexist arguments that discredit their value as humans, and (b) claim that the mothers of victims of violence are also responsible for the crimes committed against their daughters by presenting sexist ideas that limit mothers and daughters to the domestic space. These tactics are used in order to continue to limit the participation of women in the public space and public life. Via interviews with mothers, activists, and journalists, this article explores the personal impact of journalistic depictions of violence against women and also looks at how journalists are working to represent women more diversely and in ways that feature their voices rather than silencing them. Part of the problem is that in Mexico, as in many countries, the mainstream media is controlled and reported on mostly by men. Given that Mexico is one of the most violent countries in the world for journalists, women are often discouraged from reporting, threatened with death, or simply made invisible because their stories are not considered important. In order to create real change in the way violence against women is represented, it is necessary to have gender parity in reporting and in ownership of media outlets. For this kind of equality to be possible, the government must offer more protection and support to journalists, and it should make gender studies courses a mandatory element of media training.

2006 ◽  
Vol 31 (4) ◽  
pp. 77-85
Author(s):  
Hui-min Wang ◽  
Leslie L. Shieh

In Taiwan, particularly in rural settlements, the temple serves as the religious and social centre. In the past 30 years, as Taiwan experienced rapid economic growth, modernizing temple architecture was something worshipers viewed as the newest and best offering. Many old temples were demolished entirely or in parts to build larger temples using modern materials and construction methods. In the early 1990s, finding the old temple too small to fulfil the large number of worshipers from outside the community, the Chen-An Temple Association proposed to raise funds for a new temple. It commissioned a Japanese architecture firm, well known for several public projects in I-Lan, to design the new temple. The design partially preserved the old temple building, integrating it into the landscape design of the new temple. At the time, the central government cultural bureau was promoting the preservation of community historic spaces, and at first had agreed to give funding. However, after reviewing, funding was refused because the jurors had failed to see community involvement in the design. It was under these circumstances that the Er-Jie community invited our organization to work with them, in hope that by bringing in a new perspective, the original scheme could be altered to satisfy government funding. Through a nine month participation process, the community realized that what meant the most to them about the old temple was the public square defined by the temple building, the large canopy of the Banyan trees, and the social activities that took place there. After much deliberation and numerous design workshops with the architects of the new temple, the resulting design preserved the entire old temple building by moving it to an unused space across from its current location; and to recreate the character of the temple square through attention to design elements. Our work in Er-Jie demonstrated that although language is a vital part of preservation efforts, most community members do not have a grasp of the planning and design language, including words, drawings, body language, and actions. Not having adequate language ability leads to misunderstanding, prevents one’s voice from being heard, and creates obstacles in dialogue. In retrospect, the lack of a common language was the cause of many of the difficulties and issues we confronted during the project. There were five key players in the project -the government, the Chen-An Temple Association, the community, the architects, and us. The participation process was about encouraging a common language. Through the process, we observed a rise in the community’s confidence, as they were increasingly able to share their thoughts with and define their values to the others involved. Accordingly, we were able to draw from the community that the temple square was what they valued most. The end product of the preservation effort is more than a conserved temple building. The revitalization effort also preserved the meaning the public square holds for the community. For the community, temple preservation is about public space because of the cultural and historical attachments the local residents have to that space. Revitalization is about providing the opportunity for the community to redefine the role of the building given the community’s current needs. The success of the conservation effort can be measured by the effect the process has on the community. Following the preservation of the Chen-An Temple, the community led the restoration of a waterway that runs through their community. As the community became more comfortable with the language of participation, preservation, space, and design, there emerges a preservation and environmental design consciousness in the community.


Women Rising ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 245-258
Author(s):  
Theresa Hunt

In this chapter, Theresa Hunt explores the trajectory of the anti–sexual harassment campaigns in Egypt as one example of women’s prerevolution and antiregime protest. She examines the extensive campaigns of the Egyptian Center for Women’s Rights, El Nadim Center for the Management and Rehabilitation of Victims of Violence, and the new, technology-fueled project HarassMap. By strategically gaining national and even international attention, these campaigns engaged in critique of the state’s failure to address the alarming level of sexual harassment on Cairo’s streets and pressured the state to develop appropriate policy. As these organizations combined consciousness raising with subversion of state obstacles and mobilization of the public, their work reflects aspects of the 2011 revolution that mainstream media narratives find compelling but rarely attribute to women’s activism.


Author(s):  
Roman Lunkin ◽  

The article analyzes the phenomenon of modern post-crisis protests. The frame theory is the most effective method for evaluating the modern protest movement, which allows analyzing any action from the point of view of its context, its representation in the public space, its organization and original worldview. The article examines the European specifics of the protests and possible ideological divisions within the framework of mass demonstrations. It is concluded that the post-crisis protests in Europe are characterized, first of all, by a more or less clear division into supporters of neoliberal ideology and traditionalists (identists). The neoliberals opposed the traditionalism of the leadership of Poland, Hungary, and Russia, but the traditionalists more often protested against strict quarantine measures and uncontrolled immigration. Secondly, one of the widespread factors was distrust of the government, which, while proclaiming democratic norms to which does not follow. From this point of view, both the identists and the neoliberals alike demanded more democracy and justice during the protests


2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 46-70
Author(s):  
Gasasira Gasana John ◽  
Margaret W. Gachihi ◽  
Herbert Misigo Amatsimbi ◽  
Etienne Ruvebana

This paper seeks to establish the contribution of Accessible justice to ending impunity for violence against women. Consequently, it investigates how far availing legal remedies to victims of violence against women leads to sustainable peace building in Rwanda. In doing so, the study adopts a case of Access to Justice Bureaus- a judicial service established by the government of Rwanda to help people have access to free legal remedies. Based on data collected from fifty five in-depth interviews and six focus group discussions in the four provinces and Kigali city, findings reveal that through free legal representation, community mobilization, formation of gender dialogue groups and multi-sectoral collaboration, Access to Justice Bureaus have played an important role in combatting impunity to violence against women. Conversely, findings also point to a number of challenges that need to be addressed if violence against women is to be fully eradicated.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Solov'ev ◽  
Galina Pushkareva

As digital technologies develop, a new form of relations between the state and the public is developing as well. Additional opportunities for the expression of public interests and the establishment of values preferred by the society arise, new mechanisms of political mobilization develop, new forms of public organization and self-organization emerge, the social media gain more power, and local and general public narrative develop on a number of online platforms. With the digitization of the public space, the state is forced to change its communication strategies and improve the dialogue between the government and the society based on deliberative democracy principles. After analysing the architecture of public communication emerging in new conditions the paper concludes that Russia is making certain efforts to adapt for the new digitized reality. However, current state priorities are shifting towards e-government and the digital economy. On the one hand, it seems justified, as it allows to bring the public services to a completely new level, reduce corruption risks, and simplify state management of economic processes. On the other hand, the lack of due attention to the issues of openness of public administration and involvement of citizens in making public decisions results in accumulation of contradictions in the public area of public administration, as well as increasing mutual misunderstanding and distrust between the state bodies and the civil society, which may entail bursts of social discontent and protests.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-23
Author(s):  
Anak Agung Istri Ari Atu Dewi ◽  
Anak Agung Ketut Sukranatha ◽  
I Gusti Ayu Putri Kartika ◽  
Gusti Ayu Kade Komalasari

The specific purpose and target of this research is to determine the role of family welfare empowerment organizations (PKK) in the prevention and early handling of women and children victims of violence. The reason for researching this topic is the increase in the number of victims of violence against women and children every year. Based on data from the Ministry of Women's Empowerment and Child Protection, it is shown that since 2012 it has increased from 18,718 to 54,041 cases in June 2017 and until February 2018 it has shown 374 cases of violence against women and children. In this case, the Government is responsible for providing optimal services needed by victims, both medical, psychological, and legal assistance in an effort to recover their condition. The government in providing services to victims should cooperate and partner with the community, especially in the prevention and early handling of victims of violence. Prevention and early handling of victims of violence at the village level can empower family welfare empowerment organizations (PKK) which are government partners that are considered effective in the prevention and early handling of women and children victims of violence in their areas. Based on these reasons, it is necessary to study in depth the role of the PKK organization in preventing and early handling of women and children victims of violence. To achieve specific goals and targets in this study, the research method used is a normative research method with a statue approach and a conceptual approach.The results of the study provide an overview 1) there is a clear regulation in the laws and regulations related to the participation of the PKK in preventing and early handling of victims of violence, what needs to be further regulated is regulation in the form of Village Regulations and customary law (awig-awig) related to the participation of PKK and indigenous women in the prevention and early handling of victims of violence. 2) the procedures for preventing and early handling of victims of violence need to be stated in the operational standards in the village and the traditional village paparem.


2018 ◽  
Vol 12 (8) ◽  
pp. 27
Author(s):  
Gustavo Arteaga ◽  
Edier Segura ◽  
Diego Escobar

In the last decades, the occupation of the pedestrian routes and in general of the public space in the city center of Cali Colombia, have been evidencing diverse phenomena, which to a great extent respond to the accelerated growth of the urban population, where the migrations that have occurred in the interior of the country (fruit of the social conflicts of the last decades), have particularly marked the realities. In Cali, on 10th and 15th streets, near the Government Building, the Palace of Justice and the Municipal Administrative Center - CAM, the public space in general terms has been stressed in a particular way, which has generated conflicts in the surfaces designed for the pedestrians, since they are occupied by vendors in the midst of the informality routines, forcing the pedestrian to use the automobile tracks being a notorious and interesting phenomenon, when observing the factors that produce it and using them as parameters in the design of architectural spaces that contribute to improvement.


BMJ Open ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (7) ◽  
pp. e038087
Author(s):  
Brooke Nickel ◽  
Ray Moynihan ◽  
Alexandra Barratt ◽  
Juan P Brito ◽  
Kirsten McCaffery

ObjectivesThe use of more medicalised labels can increase both concern about illness and the desire for more invasive treatment. This study analyses the media’s coverage of an Analysis article in The BMJ which generated a large amount of high-profile international media coverage. It aims to understand how to better communicate messages about low-risk cancers and overdiagnosis to the public.DesignContent analysis of media coverage.SettingMedia was identified by Isentia Media Portal, searched in Google News and cross-checked in Factiva and Proquest databases from August 2018.MethodsMedia headlines, full text and open access public comments responding to the coverage on the article proposing to ‘rename low-risk conditions currently labelled as cancer’ were analysed to determine the main themes.Results45 original media articles and their associated public comments (n=167) were identified and included in the analysis. Overall, headlines focused on cancer generally and there was little mention of ‘low-risk’, ‘overdiagnosis’ or ‘overtreatment’. The full text generally presented a more balanced view of the evidence and were supportive of the proposal, however, public responses tended to be more negative towards the idea of renaming low-risk cancers and indicated confusion. Comments seemed to focus on the headlines rather than the full article.ConclusionsThis study offers a novel insight into media coverage of the complex and counterintuitive problem of overdiagnosis. Continued deliberation on how to communicate similar topics to the public through the mainstream media is needed. Future work in the area of low-risk cancer communication should consider the powerful impact of people’s previous experience with a cancer diagnosis and the criticism about being paternalistic and concealing the truth from patients.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Iair G. Or

Abstract In Israel, approximately 25,000 Thai laborers are contracted for agricultural work in all parts of the country, following a series of bilateral agreements between the governments of Israel and Thailand. Various NGOs and agencies have documented numerous violations of labor laws in many Israeli farms, including the lack of safety measures, poor working and living conditions, and extremely low salaries. Israeli discourse on the topic vacillates between the interests of farmers, workers, consumers, and the government (Or & Shohamy, 2020), and the occasional appearance of reports about the abuse of workers reignites the debate and tensions surrounding these issues. This longitudinal qualitative study, spanning from 2013 to 2019, focuses on the linguistic landscape (LL) of the Central Arava region – an arid, sparsely populated subdistrict in Southern Israel. What makes this region unique is that the number of Thai migrant workers there equals or slightly exceeds that of Hebrew-speaking Jews. Using an LL approach (Jaworski & Thurlow, 2010; Shohamy & Gorter, 2009; Shohamy, 2012), the 2013 study sought to explore the visibility and vitality of the Thai language as well as its interactions with other languages. The roles that Thai, Hebrew, English, Arabic, and other languages played in the public space clearly revealed the power relations between the speakers of these languages. The 2018–19 follow-up to the original 2013 findings seeks to track the impact on the public space of recent developments such as population changes, the advent of speakers of other languages to the region, the economic crisis, and the public controversy about the exploitation of workers. The study shows that the number of Thai signs has been significantly reduced in recent years, not only pointing to changes in the multilingual reality of the region, but also raising a series of questions about labor conditions, regulation, informal labor markets, and cases of potential mismatch between reality and perceptions.


2020 ◽  
Vol 45 (3) ◽  
pp. 678-705
Author(s):  
Di Wang ◽  
Sida Liu

In authoritarian contexts where the state is the primary performer in the public sphere and legal mobilization is constrained and repressed, activists often seek to carve out a public space to confront the frontstage and backstage of the state’s performance in order to pursue collective action. Comparing the online legal mobilization of feminist and lawyer activists in China, this article investigates how performance arts are used by activists to challenge the authoritarian state in the age of social media. Performing “artivism” is to create conspicuous spectacles in the public eye for the purposes of exposing the state’s illegal or repressive backstage actions or promoting alternative values and norms different from the official ideology. By subversively disrupting the evidential boundaries set by the state, Chinese activists have been able to gain momentum and public support for their legal mobilization. However, it was precisely the success of their artivism that contributed to the government crackdowns on both feminists and lawyers in 2015.


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