Homeschooling in the Educational Landscape of Latin America

Author(s):  
Luciane Muniz Ribeiro Barbosa

A number of developments stemmed from reforms to Latin America’s educational landscape beginning in 1990, with the regulamentation of homeschooling differing in countries across this region. Academic research and literature on homeschooling in these countries are just beginning, but it is clear that there is a “normative void” on this topic that is experienced by almost all Latin American countries despite the growing number of families choosing this form of education. There is a need to broaden the debate regarding the regulation of homeschooling in Latin America by analyzing local particularities in view of the commitment to protect the right to education for Latin American children and adolescents.

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandra Birgin ◽  
Alejandro Vassiliades

Within the framework of the process of enrollment expansion in teacher training (in the context of the expansion of the higher education level), some Latin American countries have developed specific policies for the student population of teacher training institutions. In this article we analyze how these policies bring new questions to the field of teacher training, linked to the ways in which “new” students are questioned and their effects on the construction of teaching positions. For this, we address a series of speeches from international organizations (with marked influence in the region), which coincide in describing future teachers as deficit subjects. At the same time, we go through a set of student policies that assumed diverse orientations regarding the right to education of these populations and regarding the right of their future students. We understand that these policies and discourses have an effect on the configuration of teaching positions with respect to educational inclusion.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián M. Saiegh

In this article, I use joint scaling methods and similar items from three large-scale surveys to place voters, parties, and politicians from different Latin American countries on a common ideological space. The findings reveal that ideology is a significant determinant of vote choice in Latin America. They also suggest that the success of leftist leaders at the polls reflects the views of the voters sustaining their victories. The location of parties and leaders reveals that three distinctive clusters exist: one located at the left of the political spectrum, another at the center, and a third on the right. The results also indicate that legislators in Brazil, Mexico, and Peru tend to be more “leftists” than their voters. The ideological drift, however, is not significant enough to substantiate the view that a disconnect between voters and politicians lies behind the success of leftist presidents in these countries. These findings highlight the importance of using a common-space scale to compare disparate populations and call into question a number of recent studies by scholars of Latin American politics who fail to adequately address this important issue.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2097503
Author(s):  
Nordin Lazreg ◽  
Alejandro Angel ◽  
Denis Saint-Martin

Conventional wisdom indicates that politicians in Latin America are all wealthy. However, the literature on both political elites and social origins of political parties indicates that we should expect differences in the capital accumulation of politicians depending on their ideological position. This study seeks to explore that question using financial disclosure forms made available in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Peru, and the Dominican Republic. We calculate the median wealth of the main political parties in each country and compared them according to their ideological position on the left–right continuum. We consistently find that the most right-leaning party in each country had a higher median wealth than the most left-leaning one. This relation is non-linear since centrist parties often represent anomalies in the distribution of wealth. When there are no ideological differences, we do not observe significant wealth differences either.


Author(s):  
V. Krasil’shchikov

The paper deals with the problem of dependent development and conservative modernization in Latin America. Whereas external dependency has been the permanent feature of Latin American development since colonial times, conservative modernization can be treated as the essential effect of this development. Almost all significant reforms in Latin American countries began earlier than the own premises for them could mature, because they were the obliged responses to the external challenges and shocks the continent underwent. The social actors of those reforms were often interested in adaptation of the obsolete socioeconomic structures and relationships to the changed external conditions instead of their destruction and genuine social renewal. The cases of authoritarian modernizations in the Southern Cone countries in the 1960s–80s clearly illustrated such attempts of the ruling groups to go forward whilst looking back. The neoliberal reforms of the 1990s demonstrated, at first glance, continuation of this practice being a form of modernisation for the upper classes’ advantages. Meanwhile, as the author argues, these reforms were actually a “swan song” of conservative modernization in Latin America. The “left turn” of the next decade did not abolish external dependency of Latin American countries, but created some important premises for the rise of internally rooted impulses to endogenous development. The new social actors of this development, such as various NGOs and left-wing movements, began to emerge in Latin America. They propose own programmes of transition towards a knowledge-based, innovative economy. This phenomenon allows to suppose that some Latin American countries have real chances for technological breakthroughs in the future, and it will be the genuine deliverance from the model of a dependent, imitative development.


2003 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 203-222 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristiane Duarte ◽  
Christina Hoven ◽  
Carlos Berganza ◽  
Isabel Bordin ◽  
Hector Bird ◽  
...  

Objective: This report reviews population studies of child and adolescent mental health carried out in Latin America over the past 15 years. Also considered is the issue of how to meet the needs of children and adolescents who may present mental health problems in Latin America, given that most of them live in poverty in economies that are underdeveloped, providing limited resources. Method: Ten studies from six different countries were identified that employed some form of randomized sampling method and used standardized instruments for assessment. The authors present a summary of the main characteristics of these studies, highlighting methodological features that may account for differences in the rates obtained. Results: Overall, a similar pattern of prevalence and risk factors for mental health problems in children and adolescents in Latin American countries emerged. Moreover, rates of disorders in these children are similar to the 15 to 20% found in other countries. These findings are similar to those observed when adult mental health problems are considered. Prevention and treatment strategies are discussed and the peculiarities of the delivery of mental health services for children and adolescents are explored. Conclusions: Future research needs to focus on understanding of resilience and formal and informal mental health delivery systems of care available in different Latin American countries. Such research has high potential for ameliorating the prevention and treatment of child and adolescent mental health problems in this region of the world.


Author(s):  
E. Dabagyan

The article examines a range of forces represented in the political arena of the Latin American countries that recently held general election (Panama, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Brazil, El Salvador, Venezuela, Bolivia, Ecuador). A primary interest is paid to the left radicals, the left centrists, the centrists and the right centrists. While assessing the outcome of the elections the author underlines the trend towards convergence of left and right centrists. This is creating opportunities for their cooperation. Simultaneously, there is a compression of space for the interaction of these political forces with the left radicals.


BMJ Open ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (5) ◽  
pp. e047122
Author(s):  
Andrés Godoy-Cumillaf ◽  
Bruno Bizzozero-Peroni ◽  
Grant R Tomkinson ◽  
Javier Brazo-Sayavera

IntroductionPhysical fitness (PF) is an important indicator of health in children and adolescents. Internationally, test batteries have been used to assess overall PF. In Latin America, however, while PF has been widely measured, there is no accepted test battery, making it difficult to monitor and/or compare the PF levels of Latin children. The aim of this study, therefore, is to systematically review and potentially meta-analyse the peer-reviewed literature regarding the assessment of PF in Latin American children and adolescents.Methods and analysisThis systematic review and meta-analysis will follow the Preferred Reporting Items for Systematic Reviews and Meta-Analyses Protocols statement. The systematic literature search will be performed in MEDLINE, Scopus, SciELO, EMBASE, Cochrane Library, Web of Science, SPORTDiscus, LILACS and Latindex (Spanish) to locate articles published up to April 2021. Eligible studies will include both descriptive and analytic study designs. Meta-analyses are planned for sufficiently homogeneous PF outcomes with regard to statistical and methodological characteristics. Narrative syntheses are planned for PF outcomes that are considered to be too heterogeneous. The statistical program STATA V.15 will be used for meta-analyses, with subgroup analyses performed according to the characteristics of included studies.Ethics and disseminationThis systematic review and meta-analysis protocol is designed to provide updated evidence on the PF of Latin American children and adolescents. Findings from this review may be useful for teachers, researchers and other professionals responsible for paediatric fitness and health promotion/surveillance. The results will be disseminated through peer-reviewed scientific publications, conferences, educational talks and infographics.PROSPERO registration numberCRD42020189892.


2021 ◽  
pp. 65-68
Author(s):  
Allan Brewer-Carias

This chapter explains administrative procedure and judicial review in Latin America. Judicial review of administrative action has been constitutionalised in many Latin American countries, like Colombia, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Panama, Peru, Uruguay, and Venezuela, and has been the object of special laws regulating the jurisdiction. According to the Constitutions and to the laws regulating the contentious administrative jurisdiction in Latin America, all administrative provisions are subjected to judicial review as it is not possible for any administrative act to escape judicial control. Therefore, the principle applicable is the universal character of the judicial oversight of constitutionality and unlawfulness regarding regulations and administrative acts, which is exercised by the Courts without exception. In almost all Latin American countries, the rules of administrative procedure are regulated through special Administrative Procedure Lasw (APLs), which began to be sanctioned in 1972 (Argentina). In all cases where the courts find that a challenged administrative act infringes the fundamental rights of an individual or corporation, or does not meet the fundamental standards of administrative propriety and fairness, the courts of the contentious administrative jurisdiction in all Latin American countries have the power not only to annul the challenged act but, depending on the nature of the claim filed by the plaintiff, the courts can also award damages for the administrative action.


2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cindy Ramírez ◽  
Albert Turon ◽  
Cristián Retamal ◽  
Olga Alcaraz ◽  
Bàrbara Sureda

Abstract During the past years, the impact of climate change in the Latin America region has become more evident, and is affecting its natural resources and delaying sustainable development. Achieving the 1.5°C long-term temperature goal of the Paris Agreement while ensuring the right to sustainable development, is of particular interest for regions such as Latin America which are highly vulnerable and have a low capacity of adaptation. This article seeks to analyse if the Nationally Determined Contributions (NDCs) submitted within the Paris Agreement framework by the Latin American countries align with achieving the 1.5°C goal. For this analysis, the cumulative emissions for the 2018–2100 period are distributed among the region and its countries using the climate justice criteria (equality and historical responsibility) outlined in the Model of Climate Justice (MCJ). The results of the MCJ compatible with the 1.5°C global temperature scenario are then compared with the cumulative emissions implied in the NDCs submitted by the Latin American countries. Two main conclusions are obtained from the NDC analysis. First, the Latin American region, in 2030, will consume 67.8% of the emissions budget allocated by the MCJ until the end of the century. Second, this percentage could be reduced if, firstly, the conditional commitments within the NDC that require foreign aid are achieved, and, secondly, those countries that will consume their entire emissions budget by 2030 submit reviewed NDCs that increase the ambition of their mitigation commitments.


Author(s):  
Timur Nelin ◽  

Introduction. Donald Trump’s policy towards the Latin American region and illegal Latino migrants was often criticized by mass media. Many experts admit that over four years of his presidency U.S. cooperation with Latin American countries was severely “undermined”. This negative trend should have been the subject of discussion of candidates for the U.S. presidential election in 2020. The purpose of the article is to find out what aspects of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were used by the candidates in their campaign statements, for what he was criticized and praised. Methods and Materials. The research is based on the analysis of candidates’ election programs and speeches. Donald Trump’s annual messages to Congress are analyzed as well. The author researches the programs of those candidates who reached the final stage of the 2020 elections and those who were most popular at the beginning of 2020 but lost the primaries. In addition to general scientific research methods, the author uses methods of discourse analysis and comparative analysis. Analysis. Almost all the candidates criticized the policy of Donald Trump in different way. The main issues were President’s approaches to Mexico, Cuba, Venezuela and dealing with illegal immigrants. Trump’s policy didn’t receive explicit approval from any candidate. Among all the contenders for the post of U.S. President, only Joe Biden offered a more or less developed plan for establishing relations with the Central America countries. Results. The author showers that main directions of Trump’s policy towards Latin America were not criticized. But the methods of this policy were criticized a lot. Most part of the Latin America region generally fell out of the U.S. foreign policy discourse. And it was almost not represented in the candidates programs and speeches. This suggests that real shifts in the Latin American direction of the U.S. foreign policy will not occur in the coming years.


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