scholarly journals Políticas estudiantiles en la formación docente: Problemas pedagógicos y debates en perspectiva suramericana

2018 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 159 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alejandra Birgin ◽  
Alejandro Vassiliades

Within the framework of the process of enrollment expansion in teacher training (in the context of the expansion of the higher education level), some Latin American countries have developed specific policies for the student population of teacher training institutions. In this article we analyze how these policies bring new questions to the field of teacher training, linked to the ways in which “new” students are questioned and their effects on the construction of teaching positions. For this, we address a series of speeches from international organizations (with marked influence in the region), which coincide in describing future teachers as deficit subjects. At the same time, we go through a set of student policies that assumed diverse orientations regarding the right to education of these populations and regarding the right of their future students. We understand that these policies and discourses have an effect on the configuration of teaching positions with respect to educational inclusion.

Author(s):  
Luciane Muniz Ribeiro Barbosa

A number of developments stemmed from reforms to Latin America’s educational landscape beginning in 1990, with the regulamentation of homeschooling differing in countries across this region. Academic research and literature on homeschooling in these countries are just beginning, but it is clear that there is a “normative void” on this topic that is experienced by almost all Latin American countries despite the growing number of families choosing this form of education. There is a need to broaden the debate regarding the regulation of homeschooling in Latin America by analyzing local particularities in view of the commitment to protect the right to education for Latin American children and adolescents.


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 ◽  
pp. 43
Author(s):  
Andres Peregalli

In Latin America different policies sustained in State-Civil Society alliances are implemented in order to warrant the right to education in marginalized sectors. Uruguay and Argentina carry out “bridge” programs and “completion” plans for adolescents, youngsters and adults to enter, re-enter or finish Medium Level Studies. I compare the characteristics of the alliance State-Civil Society in the co-management of the “Aulas Comunitarias” (Communitarian Classrooms) Program (PAC, Uruguay, 2007) and the “Plan de Finalización de Estudios Secundarios para Jóvenes y Adultos” (Finalization of Secondary Studies for youngsters and adults Plan) (FinEs 2, Argentina, 2008), aiming to understand their contributions to the processes of educational inclusion, as well as their limits. I analyze their genesis, political-institutional design/ways of organization and form of co-management contemplating: a) political-institutional approach to analyze public policy, b) Neo-institutionalism: sociopolitical as well as organizational and historic, c) co-management, d) educational management (paradigms: administrative and strategic). I implement a qualitative methodology, selecting co-management (as performed until December, 2015) as the unit of analysis. The findings show that PAC y FinEs 2 warrant the right to education supported by the attachment of several actors and sectors to their objectives. The quality of the contribution of alliances differs according the political-institutional design, kind of organization and forms of co-management: PAC shows a strategic co-management and FinEs 2 and administrative co-management.


2015 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 363-384 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sebastián M. Saiegh

In this article, I use joint scaling methods and similar items from three large-scale surveys to place voters, parties, and politicians from different Latin American countries on a common ideological space. The findings reveal that ideology is a significant determinant of vote choice in Latin America. They also suggest that the success of leftist leaders at the polls reflects the views of the voters sustaining their victories. The location of parties and leaders reveals that three distinctive clusters exist: one located at the left of the political spectrum, another at the center, and a third on the right. The results also indicate that legislators in Brazil, Mexico, and Peru tend to be more “leftists” than their voters. The ideological drift, however, is not significant enough to substantiate the view that a disconnect between voters and politicians lies behind the success of leftist presidents in these countries. These findings highlight the importance of using a common-space scale to compare disparate populations and call into question a number of recent studies by scholars of Latin American politics who fail to adequately address this important issue.


Author(s):  
Kai Michael Kenkel

Latin American states have become major providers of troops for UN peacekeeping operations (PKOs) since the early 2000s. MINUSTAH (Mission des Nations Unies pour la stabilisation en Haïti), the UN mission in Haiti, 55% of whose troops were from the region, was a major watershed for local security cooperation and PKO contributions. Led by Brazil, these states were able to develop a specific approach to peacebuilding that reflects regional strengths and experiences, rooted in minimizing the use of force and bringing successful domestic development policies to bear abroad. This approach also reflects the common security and intervention culture that underpins policy in the region. Two states in particular have taken on a role as major providers of peacekeeping contingents. Tiny Uruguay, with a population of 3 million people, has maintained over 2,000 troops deployed on UN PKOs (more than 10% of its armed forces) since 2005. While Uruguay’s motivations are mostly economic—UN reimbursements exceed the country’s costs—Brazil’s ascendance as a major peacekeeping provider during MINUSTAH was part of a larger emerging-power foreign policy project. Participating in peacebuilding allowed the country to provide security through actions in the development realm, bridging a key gap in many rising states’ capabilities, and to mount an incipient challenge to the Western-led peacebuilding paradigm. The remaining states of Latin America show considerable diversity in their peacekeeping engagement, with many others sending small or token contributions and some no troops at all. Latin American states’ involvement in PKOs cannot be understood without looking at their interaction with patterns of civil–military relations in the region. In the case of such states, the effect of peacekeeping participation on civil–military relations, while a key point in need of monitoring, has not been decisive, as other factors prevail. Finally, PKOs have served as the locus for a significant increase in policy coordination and cooperation in the defense arena in the region. As the UN moves toward stabilization operations which privilege counterterrorism measures over the peacebuilding paradigm that is a strength of Latin American countries, PKOs may lose attractiveness as a foreign policy avenue in the region. Additionally, the swing to the right in recent elections may serve to reduce the appeal of a practice which came to the fore under previous left-wing governments.


2018 ◽  
Vol 26 ◽  
pp. 86
Author(s):  
Shirly Said

In this article we recover the perspective of the sociology of emergencies and link the proposal of decolonial thinking with critical Latin American pedagogies. With this conceptual framework, and going through different conceptions of political subjectivation, we propose to approach the experience of People´s High Schools for Young People and Adults in Argentina (BPJA, for its acronym in Spanish) as part of the Latin American pedagogical movements oriented to the critical reconstruction of pedagogical knowledge. The BPJA are high schools for young people and adults that work in a self-managed way within the framework of territorial organizations and recovered factories, and carry out a political-pedagogical project linked to popular education with an emancipatory horizon. They demand that the State guarantees the right to education for all social sectors, while defending the political and pedagogical autonomy of their curriculum. Within the new social, political and -therefore- pedagogical ways of construction of various Latin American social movements, we propose that the BPJA are a significant expression of the gestation of emerging alternatives, which with great creative and self-reflective potential have managed to stress certain traditional forms of education, orienting themselves to the formation of political and critical subjects, and transforming themselves into collective pedagogical subjects.


2020 ◽  
Vol 29 (3 - Sup2) ◽  
pp. 169-177
Author(s):  
Fabio Andrés Díaz Pabón

Unlike other Latin American countries, Colombia has consistently been governed by centre-right or right-wing political parties. The absence of political space for the Left in this country allowed governments to portray protests as subversive and criminal. However, starting in 2008, right-wing politicians have embraced, supported and used the protest as a tactic; undertaking, calling for, and giving support to various protest movements across the country. This has had an unexpected consequence: right-wing parties, government institutions, and even some sectors within the security and armed forces now see protests as valid and normal. Drawing on a brief historical analysis of protest movements in Colombia since 1948, and particularly after 2002, this article argues that to understand the recent normalization of this form of political expression we should look at changes in the dynamics of competition within the Right.


2017 ◽  
pp. 32-45
Author(s):  
Guillermo Moreno De Gracia

When speaking about education, we can't just think about the ordinary human being called "normal", but it should also address diversity. Curriculum accommodations, adaptations and physical accessibility are greatly important for educational inclusion to exist. A paradigm shift for educators involves the knowledge and acknowledgement of what disability is. On this note we outline from the legal standard all the instruments currently available which guarantee the right to education of personswith disabilities. Not only it is the Law or the standard, but there has to exist knowledge and acknowledgement of what it is in order for everyone to apply and comply.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1866802X2097503
Author(s):  
Nordin Lazreg ◽  
Alejandro Angel ◽  
Denis Saint-Martin

Conventional wisdom indicates that politicians in Latin America are all wealthy. However, the literature on both political elites and social origins of political parties indicates that we should expect differences in the capital accumulation of politicians depending on their ideological position. This study seeks to explore that question using financial disclosure forms made available in six Latin American countries: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Peru, and the Dominican Republic. We calculate the median wealth of the main political parties in each country and compared them according to their ideological position on the left–right continuum. We consistently find that the most right-leaning party in each country had a higher median wealth than the most left-leaning one. This relation is non-linear since centrist parties often represent anomalies in the distribution of wealth. When there are no ideological differences, we do not observe significant wealth differences either.


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (04) ◽  
pp. 178-180
Author(s):  
Mələkxanım Seyfulla qızı Rəhimova ◽  

The effective establishment of interstate international cooperation is important both for development and for ensuring rights in the field of tourism. The adoption of interstate agreements is not the only condition. At the same time, it is important to apply them in practice and establish comprehensive relations with both states and international organizations to achieve this goal. The article discusses the various forms of this cooperation and ways to build it more efficiently. Key words: international organization, strategic cooperation, the right to education, state control, memorandum, agreement


2019 ◽  
Vol 61 (2) ◽  
pp. 138-163 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bruce M. Wilson ◽  
Camila Gianella-Malca

ABSTRACTCosta Rica and Colombia, two of the earliest Latin American countries to protect many LGBT rights, attempted to amplify those rights and litigate same-sex marriage (SSM) in mid-2000s; however, these attempts sparked a major anti-LGBT backlash by religious and conservative organizations. Yet a decade later, Colombia legalized SSM while Costa Rica still lacks the right to SSM. Using a most-similar systems comparative case study, this study engages the judicial politics literature to explain this divergent outcome. It details how courts, while staying receptive to many individual LGBT rights claims, deferred SSM legalization to popularly elected branches. In spite of the lack of legislative success in both countries, in Colombia a new litigation strategy harnessed that deference to craft a litigated route to legalized SSM. In Costa Rica, the courts’ lack of conditions or deadlines has left SSM foundering in the congress.


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