Diplomacy and Intelligence

Author(s):  
John D. Stempel

There is a potentially serious difference between diplomacy and intelligence. Creative tension between diplomacy and intelligence stems from the involvement of both with questions of strategy and statecraft. Indeed, the source of this conflict is often clandestine or covert activities that become public and adversely affect both relations between states and diplomats’ ongoing work. Early works in the intelligence scholarship focuses basically at the descriptive level and centers on acquiring information. In 1922, studies began considering the political aspects of the intelligence–diplomacy connection, zeroing in on the defects of US intelligence and the adequacy of policies, including those related to intelligence gathering and its impact on diplomacy. Studies about the details of the intelligence–diplomacy connection also began to appear. These studies look at the interplay between intelligence and policy making as well as the morality of clandestine operations. In order to link intelligence goals to policy needs, future studies on the intelligence–diplomacy connection should further assess the impact of culture on intelligence gathering and perception, provide better insight into the characteristics of good versus bad intelligence officers and diplomats, include qualitative estimates of the effectiveness and efficacy of techniques and strategies as well as legal and ethical discussions of control and policy, and explore the strategic interactions between intelligence officers and diplomats and how these are managed in various governing systems.

2018 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 161-179 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kostas Gemenis

AbstractA new aspect of electoral campaigns in Europe, and increasingly elsewhere as well, has been the proliferation of the online voter information tools, widely known in the political science community as Voting Advice Applications (VAAs). By accessing VAAs, users are provided with information about the degree of congruence between their policy preferences and those of different parties or candidates. Although the exact mechanisms have not been rigorously investigated, a series of studies across European countries, such as Finland, Germany, Italy, the Netherlands, and Switzerland have demonstrated a link between the use of VAAs and electoral turnout. The aim of this paper is to contribute to this growing literature by analyzing previously untapped data from Greece, extending the empirical literature to a country where VAA effects have not been investigated before. The analysis indicates that the effect of VAAs in Greece is marginal to non-existent while there seems to be no evidence of the hypothesized information mechanism which purportedly drives such effects. The paper concludes with suggestions that future studies of VAA effects on turnout can address in their design.


2015 ◽  
Vol 2015 ◽  
pp. 1-20 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cecilia Beatrice Chighizola ◽  
Tania Ubiali ◽  
Pier Luigi Meroni

Vascular thrombosis and pregnancy morbidity represent the clinical manifestations of antiphospholipid syndrome (APS), which is serologically characterized by the persistent positivity of antiphospholipid antibodies (aPL). Antiplatelet and anticoagulant agents currently provide the mainstay of APS treatment. However, the debate is still open: controversies involve the intensity and the duration of anticoagulation and the treatment of stroke and refractory cases. Unfortunately, the literature cannot provide definite answers to these controversial issues as it is flawed by many limitations, mainly due to the recruitment of patients not fulfilling laboratory and clinical criteria for APS. The recommended therapeutic management of different aPL-related clinical manifestations is hereby presented, with a critical appraisal of the evidence supporting such approaches. Cutting edge therapeutic strategies are also discussed, presenting the pioneer reports about the efficacy of novel pharmacological agents in APS. Thanks to a better understanding of aPL pathogenic mechanisms, new therapeutic targets will soon be explored. Much work is still to be done to unravel the most controversial issues about APS management: future studies are warranted to define the optimal management according to aPL risk profile and to assess the impact of a strict control of cardiovascular risk factors on disease control.


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 15-28
Author(s):  
Quang-Huy Ngo ◽  
Thi-Nam-Ninh Doan ◽  
Thanh-Nha Huynh

Although the budgeting literature well documents managers' creation of budgetary slack in developed economies, lack of attention has been paid to this behaviour in emerging economies. It is doubtful that some unique characteristics, only existing in emerging economies, cause this behaviour to be different than the budgeting literature predicts. Since there is no study examining managers' creation of budgetary slack in emerging economies, such as Vietnam, to get insight into whether or not these characteristics cause the differences, the aim of this study is to replicate prior budgeting studies by using Vietnamese samples. Particularly, we investigated the impact of budgetary participation, budget emphasis, information asymmetry, and the interactions between these variables on managers' creation of budgetary slack. Data obtained from the questionnaire sent to 99 Vietnamese managers shows that the last two variables and the interaction between them induce managers' creation of budgetary slack. However, the results also indicate that the first variable and the interaction between this variable and the other two variables respectively have no impact on managers' creation of budgetary slack. These results provide some insight into the creation of budgetary slack of Vietnamese managers for future studies to extend the line of research.


Author(s):  
Claude-Hélène Mayer ◽  
Cemonn Wegerle ◽  
Rudolf M. Oosthuizen

The Fourth Industrial Revolution (4IR) disrupts the world of work, new technologies change the nature of individuals’ work and their tasks, and therefore it is necessary to determine how managers cope with these changes, specifically relating to their salutogenesis. There is a lack of research conducted on the salutogenesis of managers in times of the 4IR. The purpose of this study is to investigate the level of managers’ sense of coherence (SOC) in terms of the adjustments and developments of the 4IR, and their in-depth understanding of their SOC. This study employs a hermeneutical research design with a qualitative approach by using a semi-structured interview. The method used to analyze the data was content analysis. From the data analysis, the findings indicate that a majority of the managers tend to have an understanding of the 4IR and what implications of the 4IR will have on the world of work and their job description, the necessary resources to cope with the 4IR, and find the 4IR meaningful, therefore, managers have a strong SOC level during the 4IR. The recommendations for future studies suggest that research could be conducted how managers and lower-level managers’ SOC differ, which will provide insight into what different methods are required for the different level of managers.


Subject Prospects for US politics in 2017. Significance The upset victory of President-elect Donald Trump and Republican control of Congress means that uncertainty about the new administration's priorities and actual ability to drive substantive shifts in government activity will persist for some time, with appointments offering some insight into ideological leanings and policy preferences. However, divisions within the Republican Party, the independent priorities of legislators, the complex machinery of policy-making and the political demands of a restive electorate will shape Trump's learning process as commander-in-chief once in office.


2012 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-192 ◽  
Author(s):  
Zhihong Gao

A complex phenomenon, nationalism has surged worldwide in recent years and presents a serious challenge to international marketers. This article examines the impact of Chinese grassroots nationalism on foreign brands on four fronts, that is, the political, cultural, economic, and consumer rights. It argues that the four fronts are interlinked and involve the participation of not only the consumer but also the government, the media, and local companies. Thus, the effects of nationalism on foreign brands are largely mediated by these agents and manifest the most in the arena of public policy making.


Author(s):  
Anna Brinkman-Schwartz

Abstract In the first year of the Seven Years War, on 26 December 1756, the British privateer Antigallican captured the French East Indiaman Le Duc de Penthièvre some way off of the Spanish town of Ferrol. In short order the Duc de Penthièvre was given back to the French by Spanish authorities. The actions of the Spanish were a violation of Spain’s stated neutrality in the conflict and led to a protracted diplomatic incident that tested the commitment of Britain’s government to the preservation of Spain’s maritime neutrality, which was key to Britain’s overall wartime maritime strategy. Focusing on the Antigallican affair, this article presents a case-study which affords insight into how ministers dealt with public opinion that was in opposition to strategic needs at a specific political point in time, and over a specific issue. It also suggests that using measures based on the volume and intensity of press coverage as a proxy for public influence on policy making is an uncertain approach. By looking more deeply into the political, personal, and historical contexts of making policy, a micro-history offers a more certain method for understanding the complexity of policy-making and the power of the press at any given time. The point of such a close study is not to generalise about the power of the press to influence policy in the mid-eighteenth century, rather, it is to show that such generalisations are fraught with unanticipated errors and assumptions that gloss over the complexity of interactions between politics and public opinion.


Author(s):  
David J. Storey

This article is primarily focused on further developing the theme of the political economy way of evaluating the impact of Small and Medium-sized Enterprise (SME) policies. It reaches five key conclusions. First, that evaluation needs to become more central to the policy-making process. Evaluation should not be undertaken solely as a historic accounting exercise to determine whether public money has been spent wisely, although that role is of value. Instead of being, ‘at the end of the line’, evaluation should be used to inform current policy, so that current objectives and targets may be modified in the light of evidence of policy effectiveness. Hence considerations of how policy is evaluated should therefore be incorporated into policy formulation when new ideas are being developed. They could even influence the choices made by governments about how best to engage with SMEs. Specifically, evaluation has to be incorporated as a key element in policy development.


2006 ◽  
Vol 27 ◽  
pp. 1-20
Author(s):  
Steven E. Schier ◽  
B. Gregory Marfleet

The study of midterm elections can reveal an important influence on the beliefs of presidents. Employing constructs from the “operational code “literature regarding presidential foreign policy-making, we examine the impact of midterm election results upon presidential beliefs during two “normal” midterm elections: 1990 and 1994. We hypothesize that midterm elections encourage presidents to find the nature of the political universe more conflictual, to develop a lower locus of personal control over their environment, and to adopt more adversarial positions about their approach to personal goals. These effects should vary with the scale of the midterm setback. We find support for these hypotheses, usually with greater effects in the 1994 than 1990 case. Given the larger effects of the 1994 election upon the president, its status as a “normal” midterm election lies in question. Further research into other midterm cases is necessary to formulate a typology of midterm effects upon presidential beliefs.


2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-57
Author(s):  
Simten Cosar ◽  
Gulden Ozcan

This article analyzes the securitization of the political space under the Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi (Justice and Development Party, AKP) governments in Turkey with a critical feminist lens. We argue that a feminist reading unpacks the connection between AKP’s discursive strategies in the spheres of social and national security. We focus on the AKP’s proposals that address social policy and defense policy spheres—namely, the “Women’s Employment Package;” “Family Package;” and “Internal Security Package.” In our analysis, we start from the argument that the AKP’s terms in office represent the last phase of neoliberal transformation in the country. Packages in this phase also speak to the patchwork style of neoliberal policy making. They function as means for checking, and then, manipulating public opinion. Analysis of the packages provides insight into the AKP’s increasing resort to violence vis-á-vis opposition as well as the deepening of the economic crisis in the country in the last two decades.


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