Gender and Governance

Author(s):  
Annica Kronsell

Gender has been conceptualized in various ways in the mainstream governance literature and critical feminist work. The relationship between the concepts of gender and governance can be viewed as governance of gender and gender governance. The governance of gender is related to the way in which the values that permeate governance reflect traditional gender regimes. On the other hand, gender governance concerns governance in policy areas that, in the first instance, directly deal with women's issues. Gender governance is about the attempts to change gender regimes by inserting new policies, procedures, and values through global and multilevel governance, for example via the UN and the EU. In feminist studies that have focused on the state, the literature that is of particular interest to governance studies looks at the role of the state in gender relations. It studies, for example, the representation of women in electoral bodies and parties, theorizes representation in political bodies, and looks at the organization of welfare politics. In the field of international relations, feminist scholars are particularly interested in exploring the gender aspects of globalization and how the neoliberal order organizes women's lives. Governance has also been explored in relation to the EU and the term multilevel governance has become a standard concept in EU studies. The concept gender regime or gender order has been used by many researchers who study gender governance in the EU context.

2015 ◽  
Vol 6 ◽  
Author(s):  
Katarina Giritli Nygren ◽  
Siv Fahlgren ◽  
Anders Johansson

The purpose of this article is to explore through a reading of an official Swedish policy document what questions and challenges such a document poses for feminist theory by the way the ‘normal’ is (re)assembled in accordance with what others have called the risk politics of advanced liberalism.  The intensified focus on risk in neoliberalism has seen responsibility move from the state to individuals, and old divisions between society and market as well as between civil society and state are being refigured. The argument put forward here is that current modes of governance tend to neglect the complexities of present-day life courses when using a gender-‘neutral’ approach to social policy that is in fact the work of a gender regime.


2016 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-282
Author(s):  
Tomasz Łachacz ◽  
Sylwester Zagulski

Unemployment is classified today as one of the main threats to society. The phenomenon affects the lives of individuals, the functioning of families and society and development of the state. It is often the source of other social problems such as poverty, violence, or social pathologies. The article presents the scale and nature of unemployment occurring after 1989 in Poland and in selected European Union countries, i.e. the Netherlands, Spain, Slovakia and Latvia. It attempts to show the characteristic trends of the phenomenon over a period of more than two decades. Examples from the European countries analysed show that the situation in the labour market and the approach to employment are radically different. Individual countries are characterised by very different unemployment rates, which reflect their different size, economic and demographic potential, or are associated with the tradition of employment. The existence of differences seems to be normal, but their scale may give rise to concern. A characteristic feature of unemployment in the period analysed is its regional diversity, both in Poland and in the whole of the European community. Important factors that determine the level of unemployment are age, sex, education and people’s qualifications. The effects of long-term unemployment are very painful for the whole of society. Such a situation can lead to, amongst others, poverty, societal antagonism, violence and migration. The latter is an issue that the whole of Europe is currently struggling with. The uncontrolled influx of immigrants, including those migrating for economic reasons, causes fear of losing their job among Europeans, which in turn translates into the radicalisation of society. A role of the state and the EU institutions is to create an effective mechanism for the protection and support of the unemployed. This is a prerequisite for Europeans to continue the project which is a common united Europe.


1987 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-213 ◽  
Author(s):  
J L Morris

This paper is an outline of recent industrial restructuring which has occurred in Wales and the role of the state through industrial policies in these changes, It is shown that, although the state has made strenuous efforts to attract investment—particularly from overseas—to Wales, it has operated its policies on nationalised industries on narrow profit-or-loss lines irrespective of regional dimensions. The contradiction between the two strands of policy is illustrated with a critical analysis of the treatment of the coal and steel industries and an appraisal of regional policies. New policies for the regions are then described.


2020 ◽  
pp. 146-158
Author(s):  
M. V. Klinova

The article aims to explore the possibilities and contribution of the state in ensuring the competitiveness of the economy of the EU countries. Various definitions of the concept of national competitiveness are presented as well as directions in which the state affects national competitiveness. Among the latter, state procurements of goods and services and their varieties are considered. Special importance of the indirect influence of the state on the country’s competitiveness in the form of creating favorable investment climate, pursuing structural policy, and establishing clear rules for doing business is emphasized. The analysis of the possibilities and methods of state regulation of business activities based on a number of indicators of international organizations is presented. The use of new opportunities by the state in the context of digitalization of the economy to ensure competitiveness is highlighted. The role of the state and PPP in the development of infrastructure, which serves as a guarantor and stimulator of national competitiveness, is examined. The conclusion is made that the role of the state in national competitiveness is increasing, especially under the spread of COVID-19.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 29-38
Author(s):  
Dumitrita Florea ◽  
Narcisa Gales

States must respect the interests of the international community since they must exercise their powers in a manner consistent with the general rules of international law; the territorial competence of the State is in this case limited, not only to foreigners, but also to their own residents, this means that the role of the state is to protect its own citizens, but also foreign citizens. The State must also exercise its competence in a manner that maintains the freedom of international communications. From the outset, the European Communities have sought to achieve forceful cooperation between Member States than that resulting from co-oping organizations. To this end, the states put themselves in a more similar perspective to the federal aspirations, which were, conceived at the Hague Congress in May 1948, and were then struck by the conceptions of proponents of institutionalized cooperation. Initially, in the West, the European construction took the form of co-operation organizations conceived in the late 40 years, some of which were due to American-inspired initiatives. After years of sustained efforts to recover and rebuild Europe, it faces the creation of a actually broader Community than that of industrialized countries, made up of multiple organizations operating on a solidarity basis and finding a balance in their development. The cooperation organizations set up in the West come to add new, restricted organizations in the early 50 years, not other than the European Communities, which contribute to a new federal vision.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-27
Author(s):  
Eva Fodor

AbstractThis chapter introduces Hungary’s anti-liberal political rule and its gender regime. It traces policy changes in Hungary since 2010, discusses the legacies of the state socialist gender regimes and the formation of a new, anti-liberal one. I introduce the term “carefare” and discuss how the concept of “gender” has been deployed by Hungarian politicians to legitimate an increase in women’s unpaid care burden and their lack of attention to gender inequality in the labor market. I end the chapter with a description of my research methods and provide an outline for the rest of the book.


2021 ◽  
Vol 106 (6) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
Anatoliy Boyashov ◽  

Having developed into a political and ideological concept since the 1990s, global governance has evolved as a priority of the European Union. Although the EU promotes the idea of state decentralization within global governance at the UN, in the EU itself the state is paramount. This article examines the structure of the complex networks of the UN Human Rights Council. The scholarly problem of the article is the contradiction between the key decision-making role of the state in the HRC and increasingly complex social networks of the UN system. The Council is structured in a way that ensures the active participation of transnational corporations, NGOs, and EU supranational institutions in its agenda. Does this hypothetically mean that the role of the state in the UN system and in international affairs is declining? The focus of this article is on the ties between states, NGOs, and international organizations in the UN Human Rights Council. These ties suggest that the state is included in complex networks and enhances their sustainment.


2020 ◽  
Vol 55 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laura Chappell ◽  
Roberta Guerrina

The EU has been a key actor in shaping European gender regimes in post-war Europe. There is a substantial amount of work on the role of the EU as a gender actor, particularly in employment and social policy. The adoption of and consistent referral to equality as a fundamental value of the EU raises important questions about the way the EU promotes ‘soft’ values in an international setting, through its security and defence policy, particularly as the EU is trying to promote itself as a normative actor. Hence, this article sets out to analyse where gender equality, as a policy frame, is located within the European External Action Service (EEAS). Through an investigation into whether the core normative principles of gender equality and mainstreaming have permeated this policy domain, we then focus on how the EEAS reflects the EU’s gender regime, which is informed by Walby’s framework, and how this shapes mainstream security and defence policies. We find that the neo-liberal foundations of the EU permeate the way the EEAS incorporates the principle of equality, leading to a shallow understanding that focuses on adding women into existing structures.


Author(s):  
Evgeny Grigoryevich Kartashov

The role of the state in the processes of European integration and decentralization is analyzed, the factors of threats for it are determined. The fol- lowing common features of decentralization processes in the EU member states are highlighted as strengthening the role of the regional level, the need to choose between different models of separation of powers between different levels of go- vernment (exclusive or joint authority) and the search for ways to adequately fi- nance transferred powers. Decentralization also actualizes the problem of territo- rial inequality and patronage for European countries. It is proved that the national state is a central actor in the process of decentralization, despite the fact that this process creates certain threats to the state itself. On the one hand, the EU as a supranational organization has already limited some aspects of the sovereignty of its member states, in particular, in the area of monetary policy. With the deepening of European integration, the powers of national states and in other areas are in- creasingly limited. On the other hand, the gradual increase in the share of powers conveyed by the state to decentralized and regional authorities further weakens its role. Moreover, the increasing influence of liberalism on state policy and the introduction of competition among the main providers of public services also li- mits the possibility of the state’s influence on its internal policies. Such a dynamics gives grounds for questioning the ability of states to effectively manage their ter- ritories. At the same time, it was noted that in most EU member states, the bodies of state power have long been the guarantor of national unity in both social and territorial terms. Such a “unity of opposites” (decentralization and centralization) is unlikely to change in the medium term.


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