Comparative Immigration Policy

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeannette Money
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Immigrant Integration ◽  
Economic Consequences ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
World War ◽  
Industrial Countries ◽  
Immigration Control ◽  
Societal Preferences

The research on comparative immigration policy is relatively recent, with the earliest dealing with significant immigrant inflows into Western Europe after World War II. Because of the difficulties in finding empirically grounded measures of immigration policy, the literature has grown primarily by adding to the theoretical literature. In terms of the immigration control literature, nativism (anti-immigrant preferences) has been complemented by approaches that include attention to the economic consequences of immigration, focus on how societal preferences are channeled, and focus on state national interest and state security. In terms of the immigrant integration literature, there has been a tendency to classify the immigrant reception environment of states according to historical nation building features of the state and to types of “immigration regimes.” More recently, in recognition of the static nature of these models of policy making, scholars have disaggregated integration policy into its component parts and incorporated aspects of politics that change over time. The research arena is, in short, theoretically rich, though both dimensions of research on immigration policy suffer from two flaws. The first is the inability to compare effectively policies across countries. The second is the research focus on Western Europe and advanced industrial countries, to the neglect of the remaining countries in the world.

scholarly journals No Vacancy: The Political Geography of Immigration Control in Advanced Industrial Countries

1997 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 685-720 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeannette Money
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Social Services ◽  
World War ◽  
Industrial Countries ◽  
Geographic Concentration ◽  
Immigration Control ◽  
The United Kingdom ◽  
Political Sources ◽  
Established Fact ◽  
Immigration Politics

This article examines the domestic political sources of immigration control in advanced market economy countries after World War II. Immigration control can be distinguished from the broader concept of immigration policy by its emphasis on state policies that define the permissible level of resident alien admissions. The analysis is based on the well-established fact that immigrant communities are geographically concentrated. I argue that this geographic concentration creates an uneven distribution of costs and benefits, providing a spatial context for immigration politics. In this context, net public demand for tighter immigration control increases in localities where immigrants concentrate when those areas experience higher unemployment, rapid increases in immigration, higher immigrant proportions, and more generous immigrant access to social services. Each of these conditions aggravates competition between immigrants and natives, and hence native hostility, in these communities while employer support for immigration usually diminishes. Yet national politicians may ignore changes in the demand for immigration control unless these constituencies are also able to swing a national election from one party to another. The larger and less “safe” the local constituencies, the greater their influence in this sense. Evidence from the United Kingdom between 1955 and 1981 is consistent with these propositions.

scholarly journals Japan and Labor Migration: Theoretical and Methodological Implications of Negative Cases

2000 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-32 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Bartram
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
International Migration ◽  
Labor Migration ◽  
Foreign Workers ◽  
World War ◽  
Industrial Countries ◽  
Migration Research ◽  
Recent Interest ◽  
Negative Case ◽  
Proper Theory

Migration scholars have frequently emphasized the tremendous increase in international migration in recent years. But several advanced industrial countries — Japan in particular — have relatively small numbers of foreign workers. Most of the literature on labor migration relates only to “positive cases,” i.e., countries that have actually experienced significant inflows of foreign workers. This article proposes considering Japan as a “negative case” of labor migration in the post-World War II period. There has been much recent interest in the growing numbers of foreign workers in Japan, but what is most interesting about Japan is the fact that the numbers are relatively small (as a percentage of the labor force) and that they began to increase so late, in comparison to other countries. The main goal of the paper is to advocate consideration of negative cases in migration research; a proper theory of labor migration would distinguish between positive and negative cases.

scholarly journals The Analysis of Effective Immigrant Integration Policy in Lithuania: Practice and Problems

2018 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 421-438
Author(s):  
Gabrielė Čepeliauskaitė
Keyword(s):  
Immigration Policy ◽  
National Level ◽  
Policy Formation ◽  
Immigrant Integration ◽  
General Idea ◽  
Integration Policy ◽  
Skilled Workers ◽  
Immigrant Integration Policy ◽  
European Migration ◽  
The Eu

Immigrant integration policy is one of the most important issues in political discourse and is likely to remain so in the future. The article investigates the effectiveness of immigrant integration policy formation in Lithuania. According to  theoretical insights, the general idea of integration includes the national reorganization of social and political areas for the inclusion of new immigrants, when legal, social, cultural and political rights are deliberately expanded for the immigrants in the host country. The analysis of legal documents reveals that the EU-level European Migration Agenda (2015) sets common priorities focusing on highly skilled workers, when at the same time Immigration Policy Guidelines (2008) determines general directions and principles of immigrant integration at the national level. It is necessary to highlight the point that the document does not set a specific goals, objectives, measures or evaluation criteria of immigration policy. The quantitative Eurostat (2016), European Migration Network (2017) and Statistics Lithuania (2004–2017) data analysis showed that among the EU member states Lithuania's attractiveness for immigrants is low and the implementation of immigration policy can not create a counterweight to the aging population and large emigration. In conclusion, the Immigration Policy Guidelines (2008) provided at national level are not sufficiently specific and clear to ensure effective integration of immigrants in Lithuania.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.5755/j01.ppaa.17.3.21956

What Future for Human Rights?

2014 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-223 ◽  
Author(s):  
James W. Nickel
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Cold War ◽  
Labor Unions ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Environmental Movement ◽  
World War ◽  
Early Stages ◽  
Human Rights Movement ◽  
The Cold War

Like people born shortly after World War II, the international human rights movement recently had its sixty-fifth birthday. This could mean that retirement is at hand and that death will come in a few decades. After all, the formulations of human rights that activists, lawyers, and politicians use today mostly derive from the UN Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the world in 1948 was very different from our world today: the cold war was about to break out, communism was a strong and optimistic political force in an expansionist phase, and Western Europe was still recovering from the war. The struggle against entrenched racism and sexism had only just begun, decolonization was in its early stages, and Asia was still poor (Japan was under military reconstruction, and Mao's heavy-handed revolution in China was still in the future). Labor unions were strong in the industrialized world, and the movement of women into work outside the home and farm was in its early stages. Farming was less technological and usually on a smaller scale, the environmental movement had not yet flowered, and human-caused climate change was present but unrecognized. Personal computers and social networking were decades away, and Earth's human population was well under three billion.

The Reichsschulen and the Napolas’ Germanizing Mission in Eastern and Western Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 288-311
Author(s):  
Helen Roche
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
World War ◽  
National Socialist ◽  
The Third ◽  
Ethnic Germans ◽  
Heinrich Himmler ◽  
Eastern And Western Europe

Heinrich Himmler, August Heißmeyer, and the NPEA Inspectorate were eager to create a transnational empire of Napolas and ‘Reichsschulen’ in all of the territories occupied by Nazi Germany during World War II. These schools both mirrored and contributed to broader National Socialist occupation and Germanization policies throughout Eastern and Western Europe. They were intended to create a cadre of ‘Germanic’ or ‘Germanizable’ leaders, loyal above all to the SS. The chapter begins by exploring the genesis of the Reichsschulen in the occupied Netherlands—Valkenburg and Heythuysen—which were adopted as a ‘Germanic’ prestige project by the Reich Commissioner of the Netherlands, Arthur Seyß-Inquart. The chapter then turns eastwards to consider the role of the Napolas which were established in the conquered Czech and Polish lands, focusing on NPEA Sudetenland in Ploschkowitz (Ploskowice), NPEA Wartheland in Reisen (Rydzyna), and NPEA Loben (Lubliniec). All in all, the Napola selection process in the occupied Eastern territories can be seen as the peak of all the ‘racial sieving’ processes which the Nazi state forced ‘ethnic Germans’ (Volksdeutsche), Czechs, and Poles to undergo, inextricably bound up with the Third Reich’s wider race, resettlement, and extermination policies. The ultimate aim of all of these schools was to mingle Reich German and ‘ethnic German’ or ‘Germanic’ pupils, educating the two groups alongside each other, in order to create a unified cohort of leaders for the future Nazi empire, and to reclaim valuable ‘Germanic blood’ for the Reich.

The Spectre of Americanization: Western Europe in the American Century

2012 ◽  
Author(s):  
Philipp Gassert
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Initial Period ◽  
Film Music ◽  
The United States ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
World War ◽  
Economic Threat ◽  
The Impact ◽  
First Time

By 1945, the spectre of Americanisation had been haunting Europe for half a century. With the United States still struggling to establish colonial rule over the Philippine Islands, European observers began framing the ‘American challenge’ as a cultural and most of all economic threat to national independence. Controversies about the impact of ‘America’ often served as a stand-in for a more fundamental reckoning with processes of modernisation. The initial period of sustained Americanisation was the 1920s, when American film, music, and automobiles were conquering Europe for the first time. A second heyday of Americanisation ‘from below’ started with the ‘American occupation of Britain’ and that of continental Europe during and after World War II. This article focuses on Western Europe and Americanisation, highlighting Americanisation from above and Americanisation from below. It looks at two concepts that often come up within debates about Americanisation: Westernisation and anti-Americanism.

scholarly journals Financial transition in pre-World War II Japan and Southeast Asia

2007 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 149-175 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gregg Huff
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Financial Instruments ◽  
World War ◽  
Financial Systems ◽  
Relative Contribution ◽  
Modern Economic Growth ◽  
Close Relationship ◽  
Modern Economic ◽  
Simon Kuznets

Self-sustaining, technologically based growth has always been accompanied by a process of financial transition which, as defined by Raymond Goldsmith, entails an increase in the financial superstructure to a status in the economy comparable to that in the leading countries of North America and Western Europe. The pattern of development along this transitional path may, of course, differ, as for example in the relative contribution of bank- or market-based financial systems. But all countries, Goldsmith observed, trace a similar transitional path in the increase in their superstructure of financial instruments and institutions relative to an infrastructure of output and wealth. Because of the close relationship between financial transition and modern economic growth as defined by Simon Kuznets, differences in speed at which countries traverse Goldsmith's transitional path are critical.

Global norms, domestic institutions and the transformation of immigration policy in Canada and the US

2010 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 169-193 ◽  
Author(s):  
TRIADAFILOS TRIADAFILOPOULOS
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Immigration Policy ◽  
Executive Branch ◽  
Immigration Policies ◽  
World War ◽  
Policy Regimes ◽  
The Us ◽  
The One ◽  
High Degree

AbstractThis article examines the liberalisation of immigration policy in Canada and the US in the post-World War II era. I argue that shifting norms pertaining to race, ethnicity, and human rights cast longstanding discriminatory policies in Canada and the US in a highly critical light. Opponents of racially discriminatory immigration policies exploited this shift in normative contexts to highlight the disjuncture between Canada and the US’ postwar commitments to liberal norms and human rights, on the one hand, and their extant policy regimes, on the other. The resulting pressure set in motion comparable processes of policy stretching and unravelling, which culminated in policy shifting in the mid-1960s. Policy shifting was, however, subject to very different political dynamics. Whereas Canada's institutional configuration granted the executive branch and bureaucracy a high degree of autonomy that enabled experimentation, the greater openness of the American political system led to a more politicised process, marked by compromises and deal-making. Thus while changing norms prompted the liberalisation of immigration policies in both countries, differences in their domestic political contexts resulted in very different admissions regimes.

scholarly journals Sanatoria in the first half of the XX century in the province of Vojvodina

2013 ◽  
Vol 21 (1) ◽  
pp. 34-43 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dusanka Dobanovacki ◽  
Milan Breberina ◽  
Bozica Vujosevic ◽  
Marija Pecanac ◽  
Nenad Zakula ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
World War I ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Western Europe ◽  
Social Role ◽  
Concentration Camps ◽  
World War ◽  
The World ◽  
Novi Sad ◽  
The City

Following the shift in therapy of tuberculosis in the mid-19th century, by the beginning of the 20th century numerous tuberculosis sanatoria were established in Western Europe. Being an institutional novelty in the medical practice, sanatoria spread within the first 20 years of the 20th century to Central and Eastern Europe, including the southern region of the Panonian plain, the present-day Province of Vojvodina in Serbia north of the rivers Sava and Danube. The health policy and regulations of the newly built state - the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats and Slovenians/Yugoslavia, provided a rather liberal framework for introducing the concept of sanatorium. Soon after the World War I there were 14 sanatoria in this region, and the period of their expansion was between 1920 and 1939 when at least 27 sanatoria were founded, more than half of the total number of 46 sanatoria in the whole state in that period. However, only two of these were for pulmonary diseases. One of them was privately owned the open public sanatorium the English-Yugoslav Hospital for Paediatric Osteo-Articular Tuberculosis in Sremska Kamenica, and the other was state-run (at Iriski venac, on the Fruska Gora mountain, as a unit of the Department for Lung Disease of the Main Regional Hospital). All the others were actually small private specialized hospitals in 6 towns (Novi Sad, Subotica, Sombor, Vrbas, Vrsac, Pancevo,) providing medical treatment of well-off, mostly gynaecological and surgical patients. The majority of sanatoria founded in the period 1920-1939 were in or close to the city of Novi Sad, the administrative headquarters of the province (the Danube Banovina at that time) with a growing population. A total of 10 sanatoria were open in the city of Novi Sad, with cumulative bed capacity varying from 60 to 130. None of these worked in newly built buildings, but in private houses adapted for medical purpose in accordance with legal requirements. The decline of sanatoria in Vojvodina began with the very outbreak of the World War II and they never regained their social role. Soon after the Hungarian fascist occupation the majority of owners/ founders were terrorized and forced to close their sanatoria, some of them to leave country and some were even killed or deported to concentration camps.

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