North America’s Commerce in a Revolutionary Era

Author(s):  
Cathy Matson

This is an advance summary of a forthcoming article in the Oxford Research Encyclopedia of American History. Please check back later for the full article. A long revolutionary era beginning in the 1770s and continuing into the 1820s profoundly altered North American commerce. The North American movement for independence from the British empire disrupted channels of trade in people and goods as embargoes and blockades shut down major transition points between continents or islands and the Atlantic Ocean, privateering crews of different empires seized vessels, wartime activities challenged the slave trade, and the economic fortunes of many international traders forced them to migrate, find new avenues of commerce, or retire altogether. Only a handful of well-placed merchants prospered during the North American Revolution by securing military supply contracts or engaging in illicit commerce, especially in the French and Spanish Caribbean. Despite many North Americans’ expectations for a rapid recovery after the Peace of Paris, recovery and new prosperity emerged slowly. Old connections to England, despite the revolutionary separation, recovered most quickly; but these connections were available to a small percentage of well-placed merchants, and often they were built on new foundations with new immigrants to North America. Moreover, England’s policy makers were intent upon limiting North American trade to parts of the world—especially the Caribbean—where the British empire hoped to control markets. A spike in vessel and crew seizures ensued during the 1780s. Within the Western Hemisphere, the French and Haitian revolutions also deeply unsettled many essential ties to British, French, and Spanish Caribbean markets, so that by the end of the 1790s North American merchants who wished to stay in commerce had been compelled to diversify their ports of call and seek new markets in South America, the Gulf Coast, and northern Europe. Meanwhile, the slave trade revived. When North American commerce began to flourish after the 1790s, revolutions in South America had a far less deleterious effect on the movement of goods and people. By then, the demand for provisions during the global spread of the Napoleonic wars, the opening of markets in the Far East, the expanding exporting potential of North Americans (especially flour and cotton), and their re-export commerce (especially sugar) rose above some of the constraints of earlier years.

1986 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 319-344 ◽  
Author(s):  
T. R. Clayton

Britain's most important American colonies did not rebel in 1776. Thirteen provinces did declare their independence; but no fewer than nineteen colonies in the western hemisphere remained loyal to the mother country. Massachusetts and Virginia may have led the American revolution, but they had never been the leading colonies of the British empire. From the imperial standpoint, the significance of any of the thirteen provinces which rebelled was pale in comparison with that of Jamaica or Barbados. In the century before 1763 the recalcitrance of these two colonies had been more notorious than that of any mainland province and had actually inspired many of the imperial policies cited as long-term grievances by North American patriots in 1774. Real Whig ideology, which some historians have seen as the key to understanding the American revolution, was equally understood by Caribbean elites who, like the continental, had often proved extremely sensitive on questions of constitutional principle. Attacks of ‘frenzied rhetoric’ broke out in Jamaica in 1766 and Barbados in 1776. But these had nothing whatsoever to do with the Stamp Act or events in North America.


2008 ◽  
Vol 57 (4) ◽  
pp. 270-275 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cristina Lasaitis ◽  
Rafaela Larsen Ribeiro ◽  
Orlando Francisco Amodeo Bueno

OBJECTIVE: The study presents the Brazilian norms for 240 new stimuli from International Affective Picture System (IAPS), a database of affective images widely used in research, compared to the North-American normative ratings. METHODS: The participants were 448 Brazilian university students from several courses (269 women and 179 men) with mean age of 24.2 (SD = 7.8), that evaluated the IAPS pictures in the valence, arousal and dominance dimensions by the Self-Assessment Manikin (SAM) scales. Data were compared across the populations by Pearson linear correlation and Student's t-tests. RESULTS: Correlations were highly significant for all dimensions; however, Brazilians' averages for arousal were higher than North-Americans'. CONCLUSIONS: The results show stability in relation to the first part of the Brazilian standardization and they are also consistent with the North-American standards, despite minor differences relating to interpretation of the arousal dimension, demonstrating that IAPS is a reliable instrument for experimental studies in the Brazilian population.


2014 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-9
Author(s):  
Sergio Escobar-Lasso ◽  
Margarita Gil-Fernández

The long-tailed weasel Mustela frenata Lichtenstein, 1831 has the greatest geographical range among mustelids in the western hemisphere (Harding & Dragoo 2012). The range of M. frenata extends from the north of the United States, near the Canadian border, to northern South America (Sheffield & Thomas 1997), from sea level to 3800 masl (Sheffield & Thomas 1997, Reid & Helgen 2008).


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 247-285
Author(s):  
Timothy Walker

This article explains and contextualizes the reaction of the Portuguese monarchy and government to the rebellion and independence of the British colonies in North America. This reaction was a mixed one, shaped by the simultaneous but conflicting motivations of an economic interest in North American trade, an abhorrence on the part of the Portuguese Crown for democratic rebellion against monarchical authority and a fundamental requirement to maintain a stable relationship with long-time ally Great Britain. Although the Lisbon regime initially reacted very strongly against the Americans’ insurrection, later, under a new queen, the Portuguese moderated their position so as not to damage their long-term imperial political and economic interests. This article also examines the economic and political power context of the contemporary Atlantic World from the Portuguese perspective, and specifically outlines the multiple ties that existed between Portugal and the North American British colonies during the eighteenth century. The argument demonstrates that Portugal reacted according to demands created by its overseas empire: maximizing trading profits, manipulating the balance of power in Europe among nations with overseas colonies and discouraging the further spread of aspirations toward independence throughout the Americas, most notably to Portuguese-held Brazil. The Portuguese role as a fundamental player in the early modern Atlantic World is chronically underappreciated and understudied in modern English-language historiography. Despite the significance of Portugal as a trading partner to the American colonies, and despite the importance of the Portuguese Atlantic colonial system to British commercial and military interests in the eighteenth century, no scholarly treatment of this specific subject has ever appeared in the primary journals that regularly consider Atlantic World imperial power dynamics or the place of the incipient United States within them. This contribution, then, helps to fill an obvious gap in the historical literature of the long eighteenth century and the revolutionary era in the Americas.


Zootaxa ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4891 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-112
Author(s):  
FRANK E. KURCZEWSKI ◽  
RICK C. WEST ◽  
CECILIA WAICHERT ◽  
KELLY C. KISSANE ◽  
DARRELL UBICK ◽  
...  

New and unusual host records for 133 species and subspecies of Pompilidae predominantly from the southwestern United States, Mexico, Central America, and South America are presented in modified taxonomic order. First-time species host records are given for Calopompilus Ashmead, Pepsis Fabricius, Hemipepsis Dahlbom, Priocnessus Banks, Entypus Dahlbom, Pompilocalus Roig-Alsina, Sphictostethus Kohl, Auplopus Spinola, Ageniella Banks, Eragenia Banks, Aporus Spinola, Poecilopompilus Ashmead, Tachypompilus Ashmead, Anoplius Dufour, Priochilus (Fabricius) and Notocyphus Smith. New host spider families are introduced for Calopompilus, Pepsis, Hemipepsis, Priocnessus, Entypus, Cryptocheilus Panzer, Priocnemis Schiødte, Auplopus, Ageniella, Eragenia, Aporus, Tachypompilus, Anoplius, Priochilus and Notocyphus. Eight host spider families are reported from the Western Hemisphere for the first time: Halonoproctidae (Notocyphus dorsalis dorsalis Cresson); Dipluridae (Pepsis pretiosa Dahlbom, P. montezuma Smith, P. infuscate Spinola, P. atripennis Fabricius, P. martini Vardy, Priocnessus vancei Waichert and Pitts); Nemesiidae (Pepsis pallidolimbata Lucas, P. viridis Lepeletier, P. spp., Pompilocalus hirticeps (Guérin), Sphictostethus gravesii (Haliday), S. striatulus Roig-Alsina, Priocnemis oregona Banks); Barychelidae (Eragenia sp.); Paratropididae (Pepsis stella Montet); Trechaleidae (Hemipepsis toussainti (Banks), Entypus unifasciatus cressoni (Banks), Tachypompilus ferrugineus (Say), Tachypompilus unicolor cerinus Evans, Priochilus gloriosum (Cresson); Desidae (Ageniella accepta (Cresson), Sphictostethus isodontus Roig-Alsina) and Selenopidae (Priochilus scrupulum (Fox), Tachypompilus erubescens (Taschenberg) or xanthopterus (Rohwer)). The first known host records for the rare South American pompilid genera Chirodamus (Lycosidae: Lycosa sp.) and Herbstellus (Nemesiidae: Diplothelopsis cf bonariensis Mello-Leitão) are presented. 


2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (24) ◽  
pp. 10259-10274 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xin Tan ◽  
Ming Bao ◽  
Dennis L. Hartmann ◽  
Paulo Ceppi

Previous studies have demonstrated that the NAO, the leading mode of atmospheric low-frequency variability over the North Atlantic, could be linked to northeast Pacific climate variability via the downstream propagation of synoptic waves. In those studies, the NAO and the northeast Pacific climate variability are considered as two separate modes that explain the variance over the North Atlantic sector and the east Pacific–North American sector, respectively. A newly identified low-frequency atmospheric regime—the Western Hemisphere (WH) circulation pattern—provides a unique example of a mode of variability that accounts for variance over the whole North Atlantic–North American–North Pacific sector. The role of synoptic waves in the formation and maintenance of the WH pattern is investigated using the ECMWF reanalysis datasets. Persistent WH events are characterized by the propagation of quasi-stationary Rossby waves across the North Pacific–North American–North Atlantic regions and by associated storm-track anomalies. The eddy-induced low-frequency height anomalies maintain the anomalous low-frequency ridge over the Gulf of Alaska, which induces more equatorward propagation of synoptic waves on its downstream side. The eddy forcing favors the strengthening of the midlatitude jet and the deepening of the mid-to-high-latitude trough over the North Atlantic, whereas the deepening of the trough over eastern North America mostly arises from the quasi-stationary waves propagating from the North Pacific. A case study for the 2013/14 winter is examined to illustrate the downstream development of synoptic waves. The roles of synoptic waves in the formation and maintenance of the WH pattern and in linking the northeast Pacific ridge anomaly with the NAO are discussed.


Paleobiology ◽  
1991 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 266-280 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. David Webb

When the isthmian land bridge triggered the Great American Interchange, a large majority of land-mammal families crossed reciprocally between North and South America at about 2.5 Ma (i.e., Late Pliocene). Initially land-mammal dynamics proceeded as predicted by equilibrium theory, with roughly equal reciprocal mingling on both continents. Also as predicted, the impact of the interchange faded in North America after about 1 m.y. In South America, contrary to such predictions, the interchange became decidedly unbalanced: during the Pleistocene, groups of North American origin continued to diversify at exponential rates. Whereas only about 10% of North American genera are derived from southern immigrants, more than half of the modern mammalian fauna of South America, measured at the generic level, stems from northern immigrants. In addition, extinctions more severely decimated interchange taxa in North America, where six families were lost, than in South America, where only two immigrant families became extinct.This paper presents a two-phase ecogeographic model to explain the asymmetrical results of the land-mammal interchange. During the humid interglacial phase, the tropics were dominated by rain forests, and the principal biotic movement was from Amazonia to Central America and southern Mexico. During the more arid glacial phase, savanna habitats extended broadly right through tropical latitudes. Because the source area in the temperate north was six times as large as that in the south, immigrants from the north outnumbered those from the south. One prediction of this hypothesis is that immigrants from the north generally should reach higher latitudes in South America than the opposing contingent of land-mammal taxa in North America. Another prediction is that successful interchange families from the north should experience much of their phylogenetic diversification in low latitudes of North America before the interchange. Insofar as these predictions can be tested, they appear to be upheld.


2009 ◽  
Vol 17 (NA) ◽  
pp. 101-161 ◽  
Author(s):  
J.P. Brandt

The circumpolar boreal zone is one of the world’s major biogeoclimatic zones, covering much of North America and Eurasia with forests, woodlands, wetlands, and lakes. It regulates climate, acts as a reservoir for biological and genetic diversity, plays a key role in biogeochemical cycles, and provides renewable resources, habitat, and recreational opportunities. Poor agreement exists amongst scientists regarding this zone’s delimitation and the areal extent of boreal forests, even though the zone has been well-studied. This paper reviews the literature on the phytogeography of the zone and makes use of a geographic information system (GIS) and published maps to delineate a current map of the North American boreal zone and the hemiboreal subzone, which is a transitional area lying immediately to the south of the boreal zone that is usually included in the boreal zone by Europeans but excluded by North Americans. On the basis of the map described here, the boreal zone covers about 627 million ha, or 29% of the North American continent north of Mexico. If the hemiboreal subzone, at 116 million ha, is included, then 34% of the same area is covered. Forests and other wooded land (362 million ha) cover 58% of the North American boreal zone on the basis of current forest inventory data. With forests and other wooded land of the hemiboreal subzone (68 million ha) factored in, this percentage remains basically unchanged. Values reported in this paper are compared with other published statistics. Important sources of error contributing to differences in areal statistics are discussed.


Worldview ◽  
1967 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 4-7
Author(s):  
Thomas Molnar

I am certainly not the first traveler in Latin America struck by the diversity of its countries. The cliche has it that so many distinct entities were set up between 1810 and 1825 merely because the peoples of the continent could not comprehend Bolivar's admonitions that strength lies in unity. Whatever the validity of Bolivar's dream for South America, it is quite obvious why there are some twenty countries there instead of one or two, as is the case with the North American part of the liemisphere. Practically everything is a dividing factor south of the Rio Grande: geography and the configuration of the land, the ethnic composition of the populations, the historical antagonisms, the economic jealousies.


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