Khoja Isma’ilis in Canada and the United States

Author(s):  
Karim H. Karim

Khojas constitute the predominant group in the Shi’a Nizari Isma’ili movement of Islam, globally and in North America. They are of South Asian ethnicities and belong to the 700-year old Satpanth tradition. Other groups attached to the movement are indigenous to Syria, Iran, Afghanistan, Tajikistan, and China. Khojas have led them in the formation of a diaspora spanning Asia, Africa, Europe, North America, and Australasia. This transnational religious collectivity holds Aga Khan IV, who ascended to leadership in 1957, to be its Imam in lineal descent from ‘Ali ibn ‘Abi Talib and Fatima, the Prophet Muhammad’s daughter. He has established a “Seat of the Imamat” (also designated a “Diwan”) in Lisbon, Portugal, and he resides in France, from where he provides religious and worldly guidance to followers around the world. The Imam appoints the leaders of the system of councils that govern the jamats (communities) in various countries. His non-denominational Aga Khan Development Network (AKDN), which operates social, economic, and cultural programs, has become one of the world’s largest non-governmental organizations (NGOs). Elite Khoja families, particularly those of East African provenance, tend to dominate the leadership of the Imam’s institutions. They also have hegemony in the Canadian and American self-governance structures. As a group, Khojas are the wealthiest and most educated in the movement, offering substantial funding as well as professional and voluntary services to the Aga Khan’s institutional infrastructure. Their North American ranks provide a steady stream of monetary, physical, and intellectual resources for the Imam’s transnational programs. However, a paradox lies at the heart of the movement. The Satpanth tradition and Khoja cultural identity has been in the process of marginalization since the early 20th century. A steady effort has sought to eliminate what are perceived to be “Hindu” aspects of the Khojas’ religious and cultural heritage. The movement’s research, educational and cultural bodies give minimal attention to Satpanth. An essentialized Isma’ili Muslim identity is favored over what was, since the movement’s earliest days, a pluralist pursuit of universal truth.

1997 ◽  
Vol 32 (3) ◽  
pp. 399-420 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. Neil MacFarlane

FOR SOME YEARS NOW, WESTERN ACADEMICS AND POLICY-MAKERS HAVE embraced the cause of democratic reform in Central and Eastern Europe. To take but one well-known example, President Clinton in the 1994 State of the Union Address cited the absence of war among democracies as a reason for promotion of democracy around the world. Assistance to former Warsaw Pact and newly independent states has been made conditional to varying degrees on the acceptance of democratic change. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe, the European Union, the United States Agency for International Development and associated non-governmental organizations have unleashed armies of promoters of democracy throughout the region to: observe elections; monitor human rights; draft new constitutions and laws defending civil and political rights; train judges and police personnel; and organize and assist political parties, media and non-governmental pressure groups. In short, they have sought to transplant the fabric of civil society and democratic institutions. These armies have landed on terrain often quite foreign to them and have often displayed little sensitivity to the social, economic and political context in which they are operating. This may have contributed to results other than those intended.


1964 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 575-577
Author(s):  
Fred G. Burke

Rapid social, economic, and political developments on the continent of Africa since 1950 made it almost impossible for general African Studies Programs in the United States to keep up with new knowledge and events. In order to fill the growing need for more sharply defined Programs, Syracuse University, through the Maxwell Graduate School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, established in September 1962 the East African Studies Program with Dr Fred G. Burke as director.


1991 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
pp. 38-48
Author(s):  
David S. Wiley

Late in the 1980s, several major U.S. private foundations concluded that the concern for Africa in the country was weak. This weakness was reflected in the faint focus on U.S. foreign policy toward Africa in all three branches of government, in the halting voice for Africa or for U.S. interests there in the non-governmental organizations (think-tanks, religious organizations, lobbies), and in the small concern for U.S. policy or for affecting it in the African studies scholarly community. Indeed, the voice for Africa in the United States was neither strong nor effective.


2007 ◽  
Vol 22 (5) ◽  
pp. 462-465 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rosalind M. Harrison

AbstractIntroduction:Increasingly, disasters and disaster response have become prominent issues in recent years. Despite their involvement, there have been almost no investigations into the roles of physiotherapists in emergency disaster responses.Additionally, physiotherapists are not employed in emergency disaster response by many of the principal non-governmental organizations supplying such care, although they are included in military responses in the United States and United Kingdom, and in Disaster Medical Assistance Teams in the US.This paper, based on a small qualitative study, focuses on the potential role and nature of input of physiotherapists in disaster response.Methods:A qualitative approach was chosen due to the emergent nature of the phenomenon. Four physiotherapists, all of whom had been involved in some type of disaster response, agreed to participate. Semi-structured telephone interviews were used to explore participants' experiences following disaster response, and to gain ideas about future roles for physiotherapists. Interviews were recorded, transcribed, and later analyzed using coding and categorization of data.Results:Four main themes emerged: (1) descriptions of disasters; (2) current roles of the physiotherapist; (3) future roles of physiotherapists; and (4) overcoming barriers. Although all four physiotherapists had been ill-prepared for disaster response, they took on multiple roles, primarily in organization and treatment. However, participants identified several barriers to future involvement, including organizational and professional barriers, and gave suggestions for overcoming these.Conclusions:The participants had participated in disaster response, but in ill-defined roles, indicating a need for a greater understanding of disaster response among the physiotherapy community and by organizations supplying such care. The findings of this study have implications for such organizations in terms of employing skilled physiotherapists in order to improve disaster response. In future disasters, physiotherapy will be of benefit in treating and preventing rescue worker injury and treating musculoskeletal, critical, respiratory, and burn patients.


2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (40) ◽  
pp. 48-65
Author(s):  
Nneka Umejiaku

AbstractThe protection of children and women in Nigeria is very critical because their integration in every sphere is a precedent to the growth and development of nations. However, they face diverse discrimination and violence because they are very vulnerable. The object of this study is to examine the rights of children and women by x-raying the various legal and institutional frameworks that provide for their rights, as well as dangers posed by taking their rights for granted. The work analyses factors that inhibit their protection and proffers a viable solution. In this paper, we adopt the doctrinal and empirical methods of legal research. The study discovers that despite a legion of legislation, children and women are exposed to many factors such as legal, social, economic, and obnoxious cultural practices. Further, the work reveals that inherent lapses are visible in our legal framework particularly the 1999 Constitution (as amended), Child‘s Rights Act and other relevant legislation. Accordingly, the work recommends for the eradication of factors that promote child and women abuse and review of relevant laws. The work further recommends for a serious synergy between the government and non-governmental organizations for the protection of children and women.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eunsin Joo ◽  
Anastasia Kononova ◽  
Shaheen Kanthawala ◽  
Wei Peng ◽  
Shelia Cotten

BACKGROUND Mobile health (mHealth) apps used for promotion raise important questions about privacy of sensitive personal health information and digital advertising literacy. Although it is common that different types of organizations support mHealth apps for promotional purposes (e.g., sponsorship, owned apps), there is little understanding of users’ perceptions regarding the safety of personal data stored in mobile apps. Persuasion knowledge, or recognition of a sponsor’s presence, characteristics, intents, competencies, and persuasion tactics, is crucial to investigate because the abundance of mHealth apps makes it difficult for users to identify their true purpose and estimate privacy-related risks. OBJECTIVE The aim of this study is to investigate smartphone users’ persuasion knowledge related to mHealth apps used as a promotional strategy by commercial, government, and non-profit/non-governmental organizations. This study also examines users’ willingness to share demographic and health information via those apps. METHODS In-depth semi-structured interviews were conducted at a large Midwestern university in the United States. Smartphone users (N = 25) were recruited from the local community. RESULTS Participants had a high level of persuasion knowledge regarding the types of app-supporting organizations and their promotional intents, but only after being probed. Participants expressed concerns about losing control over sharing personal information with mHealth apps supported by different organizations. They used alternative digital identities to protect themselves from privacy invasion, security risks, and advertising spam associated with mHealth app use. Yet, participants did not engage in reading privacy policies and statements when downloading such apps. Participants were prone to share greater amounts of personal information with the apps backed by non-profit and government agencies than by commercial companies. They were willing to “trade” some personal information for high quality and functionality of commercially supported mHealth apps. Participants inclined to share lesser than greater amounts of personal information with sponsored/branded mHealth apps and indicated that information for sharing should be more general than specific. There was a sense of fatalism in discussing health-related risks linked to mHealth app usage; and some participants did not perceive the risks to be serious. CONCLUSIONS Despite high levels of persuasion knowledge related to using mHealth apps for promotion, smartphone users didn’t show a great effort in evaluating app providers and app financial sources. This may bring serious consequences related to privacy of personal and health information as it can be continuously collected and managed by the supporting organizations and third-parties. Discussion of and recommendations for safe and ethical uses of mHealth apps associated with organization/company promotional strategies and privacy protection are provided. Theoretical implications are discussed in the context of the persuasion knowledge model and dual-processing theories.


Author(s):  
N.V. Borisova ◽  
E.Yu. Minaeva ◽  
P.V. Panov ◽  
K.A. Sulimov

Ethnic parties are conventionally considered as the main form of politicization of ethnicity, but in those countries where they are absent, the social and political activity of ethnic minorities is manifested in the form of non-governmental organizations - “ethnic NPOs”. In contemporary Russia, both the main areas of activity of ethnic NPOs and the normative and institutional infrastructure of their interaction with the authorities are strongly unified by the framework of the state ethnic policy. However, an in-depth study of several cases (the sample from municipal units of Ulyanovsk and Penza regions) allows us to conclude that the most important interactions on issues, which are significant for both NPOs and the authorities, are most often carried out outside the framework of the normative and institutional infrastructure, through other channels. As a result, actual interactions vary considerably. An important factor is the resource potential of the ethnic NPO, the share of an ethnic minority in the population, as well as the presence of a strong leader. In some cases, the format of localization of an ethnic group is of key importance: if a minority lives apart from others, the resource weakness of an NPO is compensated by the concentration of resources, and sometimes by the practice of combining statuses, when the leader of an ethnic NPO occupies an important political and administrative position at the local level. In other cases, human resources come to the fore. In general, it can be argued that ethnic NPOs to some extent compensate for the absence of ethnic parties. They do not demonstrate their own political ambitions, but they are able to promote the interests of ethnic minorities using the available channels and mechanisms of political representation.


2018 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 391-411
Author(s):  
Marina Kostic

The subject of this article is the relation between hegemony and the world order in which hegemony (understood as leadership of a certain country or group of countries through the consent of others), and not a mere change of balance of power, represents a key for the change of the world order (understood as establishing a new leadership and rules in the world). This means that changes in the distribution of power do not necessarily mean the change of the existing world order, i.e. leadership and rules of conduct in international relations, but that this requires counter-hegemony too, which can be described as the collapse of the foundations on which the existing consent for leadership and the world order is based upon and creation of the foundations of a new world order. This means a criticism of the existing liberal-democratic paradigm, its crisis and establishing of a new paradigm of international relations, as well as the attitude towards the domestic affairs of the countries. Just as the engagement of the United States after the World War II and then after the Cold War represented the establishment and expansion of American hegemony, the activities of Russia and China today can be best understood and seen through the concept of counter-hegemony. It includes three elements: the desire for reform of those international institutions that still maintain US hegemony and/or the creation of new ones in which there is no US participation; working with elements of civil society such as non-governmental organizations, scientific and other expert organizations, the media and churches; as well as the prevalence of different principles regulating international relations (multipolarity and noninterference in domestic affairs instead of global leadership and interventionism under the guise of responsibility to protect and democracy promotion). We approach this issue within the framework of neo-Marxist, precisely neGramscian, theoretical perspective on international relations, and use literature review and content analysis as research methods.


2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 103-114 ◽  
Author(s):  
S G Lurie

International health equity and community empowerment are promoted through local and global collaborations with non-governmental organizations (NGO’s). Civil society organizations and inter-agency partnerships assume central roles in addressing global health inequity, within the context of national health and social systems, local realities and priorities. Community health promotion through public-private collaboration by NGO’s on health needs assessments and fund-raising is designed to increase support for local programs in the United States. This paper compares health promotion and advocacy roles of an international non-governmental organization in global and local arenas, based on community case studies by the author in rural Hungary and North Texas from 2009 to 2011, using ethnographic and qualitative research methods. Findings confirm the need for systematic evaluation of the effects of complex socioeconomic, political and multi-ethnic contexts, and the impacts of prevention programs and healthcare on health equity.


2017 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 66-79 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Ostrander ◽  
Alysse Melville ◽  
S. Megan Berthold

Social workers, government, and non-governmental organizations in the United States have been inadequately prepared to address the impact of trauma faced by refugees fleeing persecution. Compounding their initial trauma experiences, refugees often undergo further traumatic migration experiences and challenges after resettlement that can have long-lasting effects on their health and mental health. Micro and macro social work practitioners must understand the impact of these experiences in order to promote policies, social work training, and clinical practice that further the health and well-being of refugees and society. Social workers are in a unique position to provide multi-dimensional, structurally competent care and advocacy for diverse refugee populations. The experiences of Cambodian refugees will be used to examine these issues. We will explore the benefits of an ecological perspective in guiding interventions that support refugees, and will apply the framework of structural competence to highlight multidimensional implications for social work with refugee populations.


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