optimates, populares

Author(s):  
Alexander Yakobson

Optimates and populares are political terms from late-Republican sources referring to a political divide between supporters of the senatorial authority and champions of popular liberty and popular demands. The precise meaning of these terms and the nature of the divide to which they refer have long been disputed among scholars. Though the sources sometimes speak of partes in this context, it is obvious that the Republic had no “senatorial party” or “popular party” in anything like the modern sense of the term. Based on this, and on the tendency to describe Republican politics as wholly dominated by personal and family connections and rivalries within the ruling class, the significance of the political divide in question has often been dismissed or minimized. However, the sources repeatedly indicate that this divide could, at least on occasion, play an important role in public affairs—alongside other factors including personal ties, family alliances, and oligarchic cliques. One of the consequences of the fact that the labels optimates and populares did not signify a formalized affiliation was that their usage was highly flexible, often inconsistent, and certainly open to manipulation. Pro-senatorial politicians might claim, in public, to be “true friends of the people (populares),” unlike their allegedly demagogic anti-senatorial opponents. But terms that are meaningless or insignificant to the wider public are of little use to political manipulators—who have in any case no guarantee, in a competitive political system, that their manipulation, rather than a rival one, will always carry the day. As long as Republican politics lasted, the optimate/popular divide appears to have been a significant feature. Its relative importance, and specific import, must have varied greatly from case to case, and should in every case be assessed individually.

2019 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 761-784
Author(s):  
Branko Smerdel

Democracies are at risk to be strangled by the populist demagogues, posturing as the only and true leaders of 'the people', while disregarding constitutional "structure of liberty", meaning that, the parliamentary supremacy, judicial review and, above all, the constitutional limits to the very direct decision making by the voters' constituencies. Referenda are being used ever more, often to push certain decision, which could not pass the parliament. The claim is that there must not be any limits to the power of the people. That phenomenon the most esteemed liberal magazine "The Economist" nicknamed coining the word "referendumania", apparently combining 'a mania' with 'referenda'. It has been received with a lot of sympathy by the general public, in circumstances when the television and the Internet shows all the misery of the numerous assemblies, not only in a new but also in the mature democracies. After the referendum on the Brexit has been used as an instrument of the political struggle in the mother of parliaments, Great Britain, which lead to the ongoing "melting down" of the highly valued British political system, it seems that the worst of prophecies are realized by advancing populist forces in a number of Euroepan states. Republic of Croatia has been for a long time exposed to such treats, by the political groups extremely opposed to governmental policies, first by the Catholic conservatives and most recently by the trade unionists. Due to the very inadequate regulation of the referenda on civil initiatives, whereas the decision is to be made by a majority of those who vote, without any quorum being provided, the posibilites of manipulation are enormous. In the lasting confusion, a number of politicians has already proclaimed their intention, if elected the president of the Republic, to use such a referendum in order to remove all the checks and balances between the chief of state and "the people". Taking such treats very seriously in the existing crisis of democracy, the author emphasizes hi plead for an interparty agreement which would enable the referendum to be properly regulated and thus incorporated into the system of a democratic constitutional democracy.


Author(s):  
Callie Williamson

During most of the Republic, the Romans viewed only perduellio as a threat to state security. Other threats were dealt with through institutionalised mechanisms of stability in Rome’s political structure, above all through the public lawmaking assemblies. Only when the political system wavered in the late Republic did the Romans criminalise “diminishing the superiority of the Roman people” maiestas populi Romani minuta (maiestas) as a crime against the state. Inherent in maiestas is the authority of the Roman people to negotiate consensus through the public lawmaking process in which the people voiced their commands. During the Empire, the emperor embodied the superiority of the Roman people and through him, as the chief lawmaker of Rome, were channelled the commands of the people. The scope of maiestas was altered to adapt to changing ideas of the state, but the idea that maiestas constituted the chief crime against the state persisted.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Đurić

This article analyzes the normative regulation of the relation between religion and national minorities in the legal and political system of Serbia. The analysis of religion and national minorities in the legal and political system of Serbia includes four, mutually linked, groups of issues. The first includes issues of normative regulation of the very notion of national minorities and religion, as well as religion as an element of national minority identity. This article’s second field of interest is made up of issues of normative regulation of religion in the political participation of national minorities. The third group of issues are those pertaining to religion and the cultural autonomy of national minorities, as a specific method of national minority participation in the public affairs of the Republic of Serbia. The issue of the range of application of minority rights in the regulation of the establishment and functioning of churches and religious communities is the fourth group of issues observed. It will be noticed that religion is considered, among other characteristics, in the legal and political system of Serbia, the very essence of what makes a social group a national minority and can be the sole element of differentiation and determination of a national minority. The influence and importance of religion as an element of national minority identity is more pronounced and direct in the sphere of national minority cultural autonomy, then in view of their political participation.


2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
Murid Murid

In response to the total reform of national political system, aristocrats and bureaucrats-politicians of North Maluku called for the establishment of North Maluku Province. They recited the sultanate's political system, which was claimed to be democratic, into a governance system implemented specifically in the region. As a result, they eventually found themselves in conflict before the establishment of the province. Bureaucrats-politicians rejected the Sultan's ideas because they considered such ideas that would revive feudalism so as to control the country's economic resources after the establishment of the province. This study reviews, understands, interprets and reflects why aristocrats and bureaucrats-politicians recited the political system of the sultanate in the republic era and then they entered the contest. By using a post-structuralism perspective, data were collected through in-depth interviews and casual conversation.  This study has found that political system is recited in order to provide antithesis to decentralization which is considered to have failed to advance development and prosperity of the people in the region. In addition, in the context of discourse, the recitation of the sultanate's political system is a new act of "historical creation" for the sultanate and themselves to achieve certain political interests. Therefore, the contestation between aristocrats and bureaucrats-politicians is caused by the process of socio-cultural and sociopolitical transformation they have made, whose traces are easily found in myths of the origin of the kingdoms and kings and historical data of European nations.


2021 ◽  
Vol 15 ◽  
pp. 266-275
Author(s):  
Connie Pania Putri ◽  
Suci Flambonita ◽  
Erniwati Erniwati ◽  
Diana Novianti

Indonesia’s political system changed  after the amandment of the state’s constitution. As a consequence, significant changes in the system are inevitable, one of which is the paradigm of its governing body. The amended constitution states that all governing bodies are level, not placing its people’s consultative assembly at the highest position of the people sovereignty manifestation at the fullest. The changes in the state’s governing bodie’s position causes transposition of their tasks and authorities. The previous assembly’s authority, bestowed by the constitution, limits itself into not having regular authority except inaugurating selected president and vice president according to the statutes of the General Election Commission once in five years. Nevertheless, a further discussion may lead to a finding that, in practice, the assembly’s authority is substantively fundamental for Indonesia’s political life. It has the right of amending and ordaining the constitution, for example, which is crucial for the politic since 1945 State Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia is the highest of all laws and regulations.


2000 ◽  
Vol 162 ◽  
pp. 387-409 ◽  
Author(s):  
Linda Chao ◽  
Ramon H. Myers

In October 1952, while addressing the Seventh Congress of the Kuomintang (KMT), the party chairman and president of the Republic of China (ROC) on Taiwan, Chiang Kai-shek, reminded his audience that “Sun Yat-sen's highest goal was to build a political system in which sovereignty resided with the people [zuchuan zaimin]” Chiang then said that “in order to oppose communism and recover our nation, the primary task of our party is to carry out local elections, build our nation's political system, and establish the solid foundations for our people to practise democracy.”


2020 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-29
Author(s):  
Alexandra Carleton

Constitutionalism may be gaining ascendancy in many countries in Africa. Yet thorough investigation of the extent to which current constitutions accord to the people their internationally recognised right to governance of their mineral wealth under Article 1(2) of the ICCPR has been lacking. Understanding the existing framework of rights which may support claims to land and natural resources is important. Constitutions of the Democratic Republic of the Congo and the Republic of Zambia demonstrate the reality of multiple, overlapping land interests and the limitations upon a people's claim to freely govern their mineral wealth.


1992 ◽  
Vol 31 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-328
Author(s):  
Ziaul Haque

Modem economic factors and forces are rapidly transforming the world into a single society and economy in which the migration of people at the national and international levels plays an important role. Pakistan, as a modem nation, has characteristically been deeply influenced by such migrations, both national and international. The first great exodus occurred in 1947 when over eight million Indian Muslims migrated from different parts of India to Pakistan. Thus, from the very beginning mass population movements and migrations have been woven into Pakistan's social fabric through its history, culture and religion. These migrations have greatly influenced the form and substance of the national economy, the contours of the political system, patterns of urbanisation and the physiognomy of the overall culture and history of the country. The recent political divide of Sindh on rural/Sindhi, and urban/non-Sindhi, ethnic and linguistic lines is the direct result of these earlier settlements of these migrants in the urban areas of Sindh.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
abdul muiz amir

This study aims to find a power relation as a discourse played by the clerics as the Prophet's heir in the contestation of political event in the (the elections) of 2019 in Indonesia. The method used is qualitative based on the critical teory paradigm. Data gathered through literary studies were later analyzed based on Michel Foucault's genealogy-structuralism based on historical archival data. The findings show that, (1) The involvement of scholars in the Pemilu-Pilpres 2019 was triggered by a religious issue that has been through online social media against the anti-Islamic political system, pro communism and liberalism. Consequently create two strongholds from the scholars, namely the pro stronghold of the issue pioneered by the GNPF-Ulama, and the fortress that dismissed the issue as part of the political intrigue pioneered by Ormas NU; (2) genealogically the role of scholars from time to time underwent transformation. At first the Ulama played his role as well as Umara, then shifted also agent of control to bring the dynamization between the issue of religion and state, to transform into motivator and mediator in the face of various issues Practical politic event, especially at Pemilu-Pilpres 2019. Discussion of the role of Ulama in the end resulted in a reduction of the role of Ulama as the heir of the prophet, from the agent Uswatun Hasanah and Rahmatan lil-' ālamīn as a people, now shifted into an agent that can trigger the division of the people.


2019 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 123-141
Author(s):  
Tomasz Stępniewski

The present paper discusses the following research questions: to what extent did errors made by the previous presidents of Ukraine result in the country’s failure to introduce systemic reforms (e.g. combating corruption, the development of a foundation for a stable state under the rule of law and free-market economy)?; can it be ventured that the lack of radical reforms along with errors in the internal politics of Ukraine under Petro Poroshenko resulted in the president’s failure?; will the strong vote of confidence given to Volodymyr Zelensky and the Servant of the People party exact systemic reforms in Ukraine?; or will Volodymyr Zelensky merely become an element of the oligarchic political system in Ukraine?


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