scholarly journals How democracy alters our view of inequality and what this means for wellbeing

2021 ◽  
Vol 31 (Supplement_3) ◽  
Author(s):  
A Gugushvili ◽  
A Reeves

Abstract   Income inequality is associated with poor health when economic disparities are especially salient. However, political institutions may alter this relationship because democracies (as opposed to autocracies) may be more inclined to frame inequalities in negative rather than positive ways. Living in a particular political system potentially alters the messages individuals receive about whether inequality is large or small, good or bad, and this, in turn, might affect whether beliefs about inequality influence health. Further, media coverage of economic inequality may negatively affect health if it contributes toward the general perception that the gap between rich and poor has gone up, even if there has been no change in income differentials. In this study, we explore the relationship between democracy, perceptions of inequality, and self-rated health across 28 post-communist countries using survey and macro-level data, multilevel regression models, and inverse probability weighting to estimate the average treatment effect on the treated. We find that self-rated health is higher in more democratic countries and lower among people who believe that inequality has risen in the last few years. Moreover, we observe that people in democracies are more likely to learn about rising inequality through watching television and that when they do it has a more harmful effect on their health than when people in autocracies learn about rising inequality through the same channel, suggesting that in countries where there is less trust in the television media learning about rising inequality is not as harmful for health. Our results indicate that while democracies are generally good for well-being, they may not be unambiguously positive for health. This does not mean, of course, that inequality is good for health nor that, on average, autocracies have better health than democracies; but rather that being more aware of inequality can negatively affect wellbeing Key messages While democracies are generally good for well-being, they may not be unambiguously positive for health. Being more aware of inequality can negatively affect wellbeing.

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (1) ◽  
pp. 109
Author(s):  
Massoomeh Hedayati ◽  
Aldrin Abdullah ◽  
Mohammad Javad Maghsoodi Tilaki

There is continuous debate on the impact of house quality on residents’ health and well-being. Good living environment improves health, and fear of crime is recognised as a mediator in the relationship between physical environment and health. Since minimal studies have investigated the relationship, this study aims to examine the impact of the house quality on fear of crime and health. A total of 230 households from a residential neighbourhood in Malaysia participated in the study. Using structural equation modelling, the findings indicate that housing quality and fear of crime can account for a proportion of the variance in residents’ self-rated health. However, there is no significant relationship between housing quality and fear of crime. Results also show that fear of crime does not mediate the relationship between housing quality and health. This study suggests that the environment-fear relationship should be re-examined theoretically.  


Author(s):  
Kazuya Nogi ◽  
Haruhiko Imamura ◽  
Keiko Asakura ◽  
Yuji Nishiwaki

Previous studies have shown both positive and non-positive associations between social capital and health. However, longitudinal evidence examining its comprehensive effects on well-being is still limited. This study examined whether structural social capital in the local community was related to the later well-being of Japanese people aged 40 or above. A 3.6-year longitudinal study was conducted in a rural Japanese town. “Well-being” was measured using three indicators (happiness, self-rated health, and depressive symptoms), and those who were high in well-being in the baseline 2015 survey and responded to the follow-up 2018 survey were analyzed (n = 1032 for happiness, 938 for self-rated health, and 471 for depressive symptoms). Multilevel Poisson regression analysis adjusted for covariates showed that having contact with fewer neighbors was associated with a decline in happiness at both the community level (adjusted relative risk = 1.64, 95% confidence interval = 1.20–1.63) and the individual level (adjusted relative risk = 1.51, 95% confidence interval = 1.05–2.17), but participation in local community activities was not. The results suggest that dense personal networks might be more important in areas with thriving local community activities, not only for individuals but also for all community members.


2021 ◽  
pp. 000203972110235
Author(s):  
Emily Dunlop

Education policy can embed ethnic inequalities in a country. Education in Burundi, with its historically exclusive political institutions and education, represents an important case for understanding these interactions. In this article, I interview twelve Burundians about how they experienced and perceived ethnicity and politics in their schooling from 1966 to 1993. I argue that education contributed to tangible and perceived social hierarchies based on ethnic inequalities. I show that this exclusion reflected both overt and covert policy goals, through proxies used to identify ethnicity in schools and through the exclusive nature of national exams at the time, which promoted members of the Tutsi minority at the expense of the majority Hutus. This study has implications for understanding how perceptions of inequality in education manifest as grievances against the state. It sheds light on the importance of understanding covert education policy as a potential mechanism for generating exclusion and contributing to conflict.


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 ◽  
pp. 237802312110247
Author(s):  
Alexandrea J. Ravenelle ◽  
Abigail Newell ◽  
Ken Cai Kowalski

The authors explore media distrust among a sample of precarious and gig workers interviewed during the COVID-19 pandemic. Although these left-leaning respondents initially increased their media consumption at the outset of the pandemic, they soon complained of media sensationalism and repurposed a readily available cultural tool: claims of “fake news.” As a result, these unsettled times have resulted in a “diffusion of distrust,” in which an elite conservative discourse of skepticism toward the media has also become a popular form of compensatory control among self-identified liberals. Perceiving “fake news” and media sensationalism as “not good” for their mental health, respondents also reported experiencing media burnout and withdrawing from media consumption. As the pandemic passes its one-year anniversary, this research has implications for long-term media coverage on COVID-19 and ongoing media trust and consumption.


2021 ◽  
Vol 20 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Helen U. Okoye ◽  
Elizabeth Saewyc

Abstract Background We assessed the prevalence and trends in racial discrimination among African Canadian adolescents in British Columbia. The association between racial discrimination and self-rated health, access to mental health services, substance use, suicidal thoughts and attempts, experience of extreme stress, among others were examined within the 2018 dataset. Methods Secondary analysis used the data collected from African Canadian adolescents (n = 2448) as part of the British Columbia Adolescent Health Surveys (2003–2018). We examined whether racial discrimination increased, decreased, or remained stable over time. We evaluated experiences of racial discrimination for all adolescents, and then disaggregated analyses for boys, girls, immigrant, and Canadian-born African adolescents. We used Rao-Scott’s adjusted chi-square to test differences in racial discrimination and adjusted logistic regressions to test trends across survey years, widening or narrowing gaps in racial discrimination, as well as the link to health outcomes. Results Racial discrimination was significantly different across the survey years (Adjusted F = 4.60, p < .01), with the highest percentage of adolescents reporting past year racial discrimination in 2018 (29.9%) and the lowest percentage in 2013 (21.3%). Girls and immigrant African Canadian adolescents were more likely to have experienced racial discrimination. However, girls and Canadian-born adolescents had the highest odds of reporting racial discrimination in 2018 compared to 2003, AOR = 1.85, and 1.58, respectively. The findings reveal significant differences in the experiences of racial discrimination for boys and girls, as well as for immigrant and Canadian-born African adolescents. Significant differences were noted in the link between racial discrimination and self-rated health and engaging in behaviours that might expose them to health risks. The worst negative health outcomes were found for boys and immigrant African Canadian adolescents. Conclusion The study suggests that more than 1 in 4 African Canadian adolescents in British Columbia report racial discrimination, which is an increasing trend in recent years. Those who reported racial discrimination also had the worst adverse health outcomes. There is a need for more public health action to reduce racism, create awareness about the negative health impacts, and provide better support for African Canadian adolescents.


2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Bozick

Abstract Background Self-rated health (SRH) is one of the most commonly used summary measures of overall health and well-being available to population scientists due to its ease of administration in large-scale surveys and to its efficacy in predicting mortality. This paper assesses the extent to which SRH is affected by its placement before or after questions about bodyweight on a survey, and whether differences in placement on the questionnaire affects SRH’s predictive validity. Methods I assessed the validity of SRH in predicting the risk of mortality by comparing outcomes of sample members who were asked to rate their health before reporting on their bodyweight (the control group) and sample members who were asked to rate their health after reporting on their bodyweight (the treatment group). Both the control and treatment group were randomly assigned via an experiment administered as a module in a nationally representative sample of adults in the USA in 2019 (N = 2523). Results The odds of reporting a more favorable appraisal of health are 30% lower for sample members who were in the treatment group when compared with the control group. Additionally, the SRH of treatment group members is significantly associated with their risk of mortality, while the SRH of control group members is not. Conclusion The findings from this study suggest that for researchers to maximize the utility of SRH, closer attention needs to be paid to the context of the survey within which it asked. SRH is highly sensitive to the questions that precede it, and this sensitivity may in turn mischaracterize the true health of the population that the survey is intending to measure.


2020 ◽  
Vol 88 ◽  
pp. 73-96
Author(s):  
Marc A. Hight

AbstractI draw attention to a group of thinkers in Ireland in the first half of the eighteenth century that made significant contributions to the philosophy of political economy. Loosely organized around the Dublin Philosophical Society founded in 1731, these individuals employed a similar set of assumptions and shared a common interest in the well-being of the Irish people. I focus on Samuel Madden (1686-1765), Arthur Dobbs (1689-1765), and Thomas Prior (1680–1751) and argue for two main theses. First, these Irish thinkers shared a number of commonalities with the English mercantilist thinkers of the eighteenth century, and to the degree that they did, their proposals to aid Ireland and reduce poverty were largely doomed to failure. Second, these Irish thinkers also importantly diverged from typical eighteenth-century mercantilist thinking in several ways. These modifications to mercantilism resulted in large part from the unusual political situation of Ireland (as a nation politically dependent on England) and helped orient their economic thinking along more institutional lines. In particular, the emphasis of the Irish on full employment and on the modification of social as well as political institutions is an early step forward in making political economy more sophisticated.


2021 ◽  
pp. 0192513X2199413
Author(s):  
Yuko Hara

Research in Western countries has demonstrated that marriage is associated with improved well-being, and parenthood with decreased well-being, for both men and women. However, less is known about whether the associations are universal for both genders across countries. Using nine waves of panel data and fixed effects models, this study examines the relationship between changes in family roles and subjective well-being of men and women in the highly gendered social context of Japan. Well-being was assessed across two domains: self-rated health and mental health. The results broadly support the protective effect theory, which posits that marriage itself has a positive effect on well-being; however, no association was observed between becoming a wife and self-rated health. Contrary to what previous research predicts, only men’s self-rated health negatively responds to transition to parenthood. These findings highlight the importance of country context and gender differences in the significance of family obligations.


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