12. Economic statecraft

Author(s):  
Michael Mastanduno

This chapter explores the link between economic instruments of statecraft and the broader foreign policy goals and strategies of states. Economic sanctions are used in conjunction with diplomatic and military measures in response to foreign policy problems and opportunities. However, they are not always effective. The chapter begins with a discussion of the instruments and objectives of economic statecraft, including trade restrictions, financial sanctions, investment restrictions, and monetary sanctions. It then explores the potential of economic incentives as a tool of statecraft and the question of whether economic interdependence leads to harmony, as liberals believe, or conflict among states, as realists predict. It shows that economic interdependence can either lead to peace or conflict depending on the future expectations of policy makers, the nature of the military balance, and the form that economic interdependence takes.

2019 ◽  
Vol 60 (3) ◽  
pp. 396-405 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lovely Dizon ◽  
Janine Wiles ◽  
Roshini Peiris-John

AbstractBackground and ObjectivesThe language used to construct policy problems influences the solutions created. Recent aging policies emphasize participation as essential to aging well, encouraging independence and active involvement in all aspects of life. However, it is less clear whether participation in the creation of policies or in policy goals and aspirations is meaningful. This article addresses the question: “How is meaningful participation reflected and enabled in policy?”Research Design and MethodsEleven global, national, and local policies were purposively selected and analyzed using thematic and discourse analysis.ResultsPolicies framed population aging as a challenge and active aging as a value as or part of the policy-making process, participation is enabled (or not) through the types of participation encouraged by policy makers and the kinds of participation used to engage with older people.Discussion and ImplicationsOur analysis identifies a strong pattern of discourses regarding individual responsibility to age well; underlying tensions between productive and passive participation; and tensions inherent to the concept of consultation. Implications include the need for those in the consultative phase of policy making to engage with diverse older people and to use participatory methods to explore what meaningful participation means for older people themselves.


1967 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-212 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Bradford Burns

Mounting Anxieties, frustrations, and fears in Brazil effected a change of government by military force at the end of March of 1964. President Joáo Goulart fled to an Uruguayan exile. Congress, urged by the military, conferred supreme executive power on Marshal Humberto Castelo Branco. Many other sweeping changes followed. None was more complete than the about-face taken in foreign policy.Castelo Branco spoke out early and unequivocally in his regime in favor of a return to more traditional policies. The graduation exercise of the foreign service school, the Instituto Rio-Branco, on July 31, 1964, provided the propitious place and moment for him to outline the foreign policy goals of his government. He paid homage to the ideals consecrated by tradition: world peace, disarmament, selfdetermination, non-intervention, and anti-colonialism. Moving into the more pragmatic realm of national interests, the president emphasized that his government's foreign policy aimed to increase national power through social and economic development.


Orchestration ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
James Reilly

This introductory chapter develops a new conceptual framework for understanding how China’s complex domestic structures influence the practice and effectiveness of China’s economic statecraft. China’s orchestration approach integrates three core elements: the “nesting” of orchestration tactics within its hierarchical structures; the use of lucrative “tournaments” designed to attract eager participants while facilitating oversight and discipline; and designing economic statecraft initiatives to maximize interest alignment between central leaders’ foreign policy goals and the interests of key implementing actors. The chapter concludes with the book’s research methodology and a book overview.


2021 ◽  
pp. 27-60
Author(s):  
Samuel Mohun Himmelweit ◽  
Sung-Hee Lee

This chapter examines variation in the trend of work–family policy expansion, by exploring the reforms in four latecomer countries: Germany, England, South Korea and Japan. It argues that the different extents of expansion observed in the four countries can be explained by how much each country realised the potential of social investment as a polysemic international idea. The chapter then reviews the literature on discourse and ideas, with a particular focus on the concept of social investment. It concentrates on the main theoretical concepts of polysemy and ideas as coalition magnets. Ultimately, the chapter analyzes the use of social investment discourse in each of the cases and relates it back to the discussion of polysemy and coalition magnets; it focuses on the ways in which policy-makers defined the relevant policy problems and policy goals of work–family policy expansion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-192
Author(s):  
Alvite Singh Ningthoujam

As Southeast Asia gains prominence in global geostrategic and geoeconomic environment, Israel’s overture to South Korea is not an exception. Despite prolonged frosty relations between Israel and South Korea between the 1970s and late 1980s, both have managed to strengthen military–security relationship after reopening their embassies in the early 1990s. Currently, their defense cooperation revolves around arms trade but is expanding toward joint ventures, coproduction, and upgrading programs. Arms export is an important component in promoting Israeli foreign policy goals. At the same time, South Korea requires constant defense upgrade as it faces a hostile neighborhood. Within this context, the article argues that military and defense relations are the driving forces in flourishing Israel–South Korea relations.


2021 ◽  
pp. 002200272110149
Author(s):  
Timothy M. Peterson

Ostensibly bilateral US foreign policy actions, such as sanctions, can influence third-party compliance with US policy preferences. US sanctions simultaneously signal US preferences and demonstrate leverage, which can motivate third parties to avoid or change proscribed behavior proactively. Empirical testing of this strategic behavior typically is difficult given that it predicts non-events in a noisy signaling environment. However, I argue that the global trade of dual-use commodities—those with both civilian and military purposes—is a phenomenon where we can observe this process systematically. I isolate US sanctions that provide relevant context both by stigmatizing the target and signaling that third-party dual-use exports to the target would directly undermine US policy goals. Using newly-coded bilateral data spanning the post-Cold War period, I find evidence that relevant US sanctions are associated with lower third-party dual-use exports to US-sanctioned states. My findings have implications for scholars and policy-makers, suggesting a broad yet shrouded ability of sanctions to advance US foreign policy goals.


2013 ◽  
Vol 7 (3) ◽  
pp. 475-498 ◽  
Author(s):  
Lee Marsden

AbstractReligion is becoming an increasingly important factor for theorists and policy makers alike in the consideration of United States foreign policy. In recent years a new school of faith-based diplomacy advocacy has emerged and begun to resonate with foreign policy practitioners. This article examines the efficacy of such faith-based approaches to foreign policy problems with a religious component and argues that such an approach is inherently flawed. The article argues that a combination of a distinct military culture, which feels itself morally superior to its civilian leadership and the activism of conservative evangelicals in the chaplaincy and military leadership makes such faith-based approaches unrealistic. While acknowledging a role for pluralist religious actors in foreign policy the article rejects a faith-based advocacy approach which can exacerbate rather than resolve foreign policy problems.


Author(s):  
Lars S. Skålnes

This chapter discusses the role of economic interdependence and economic statecraft in promoting peaceful change. The rise of China and other emerging powers has rekindled interest among policy makers and scholars alike in the role foreign economic policies can play as strategic instruments. Trade wars, the emerging discipline of geoeconomics, and the new interdependence approach are examples of the increased attention being paid to asymmetric interdependence and economic discrimination. The use of such instruments, however, takes place in a globalized economy that is still characterized by high levels of economic interdependence. Several aspects of the modern globalized economy tend to promote an open world economy, higher trade, and peaceful relations such as intra-industry trade and globalized value chains. Preferential trade agreements and particularly regional trade agreements have more ambiguous effects, as they tend to be discriminatory and as such have the potential to increase international tension.


China Report ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-39 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mordechai Chaziza

This study analyses China’s economic diplomacy approach in the Middle East conflicts in order to explore the following question: How does China use diplomatic means to protect and pursue commercial investments, economic assets, and economic tools, and to advance its foreign policy goals in the Middle East conflict zones? This study argues that despite its adherence to the principle of non-intervention, Beijing’s economic diplomacy has a more flexible and pragmatic interpretive approach. Chinese economic diplomacy in the Middle East uses its diplomatic resources to intervene as needed to safeguard its investments and assets, and utilises economic incentives to promote its well-defined foreign policy goals in the region’s hotspots.


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