Introduction

Orchestration ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
James Reilly

This introductory chapter develops a new conceptual framework for understanding how China’s complex domestic structures influence the practice and effectiveness of China’s economic statecraft. China’s orchestration approach integrates three core elements: the “nesting” of orchestration tactics within its hierarchical structures; the use of lucrative “tournaments” designed to attract eager participants while facilitating oversight and discipline; and designing economic statecraft initiatives to maximize interest alignment between central leaders’ foreign policy goals and the interests of key implementing actors. The chapter concludes with the book’s research methodology and a book overview.

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 163
Author(s):  
Pantri Muthriana Erza Killian

The purpose of this article is to examine the various FTAs that Indonesia has been involved in within the last 15 years by looking at the three core elements of trade diplomacy: actors, processes, and goals of FTAs. Based on these elements, this research finds that Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be dominated by foreign policy interests compared to economic ones, which can be observed through several elements. First, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy is dominated by state actors and foreign policy players with little involvement from economic players and non-state actors. The numerous FTAs signed through ASEAN also reinforced this domination since ASEAN’s distribution of authority placed foreign policy players at a higher hierarchy than trade actors. Second, Indonesia’s FTA diplomacy tends to be inefficient and ineffective due to dualism in its diplomatic process, which involves collective negotiations through ASEAN and at the same time, individually through the national government. This resulted in a multiplicity of agreements, leading to the low number of FTA utilisation by private sectors. Third, Indonesia’s continued use of ASEAN as a medium for FTA negotiations leads to the strengthening of foreign policy goals relative to economic ones, due to ASEAN’s internal characteristics which focuses more on political-security relations, rather than economic ones. Based on these observations, Indonesia needs to reposition its FTA diplomacy to find a better balance between its foreign policy and trade goals.


This chapter concludes this book, which has examined the challenges faced by practitioners, salespeople, and academics alike in relation to SPP. It is structured around the format of the investigation and highlights the key issues and considerations and the theoretical conceptualisations starting with the introductory chapter through the background and evolution of the personal selling literature review. It has also highlighted the research methodology, analysis, discussion, findings, contributions to knowledge, and recommendations for future research. The purpose of this chapter is to serve as a distillation of the entire study. The chapter starts with a restatement of the research questions. The chapter then proceeds to the findings and conclusions, theoretical and methodological contributions, implications for practitioners and academics, conceptual framework contribution, contribution to the author's personal development, the limitations of the study, the recommendations for future research, and final conclusions .


Author(s):  
Michael Mastanduno

This chapter explores the link between economic instruments of statecraft and the broader foreign policy goals and strategies of states. Economic sanctions are used in conjunction with diplomatic and military measures in response to foreign policy problems and opportunities. However, they are not always effective. The chapter begins with a discussion of the instruments and objectives of economic statecraft, including trade restrictions, financial sanctions, investment restrictions, and monetary sanctions. It then explores the potential of economic incentives as a tool of statecraft and the question of whether economic interdependence leads to harmony, as liberals believe, or conflict among states, as realists predict. It shows that economic interdependence can either lead to peace or conflict depending on the future expectations of policy makers, the nature of the military balance, and the form that economic interdependence takes.


2019 ◽  
Vol 64 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 545-573
Author(s):  
Brian Blankenship ◽  
Renanah Miles Joyce

The literature on economic statecraft has long focused on the effectiveness of foreign aid and trade as tools of inducement. However, existing scholarship largely neglects the role played by government procurement. By choosing to purchase goods or hire labor in foreign states, governments can provide economic benefits for strategic ends. The United States in particular leverages its defense procurement as a foreign policy tool. We introduce a new data set of US government procurement using information on all contracts executed overseas from 2000 to 2015. We develop a typology of how states use procurement to achieve foreign policy goals—power projection, counterinsurgency, and development—and provide descriptive statistics to explore variation in spending across countries and over time. We illustrate the power of the contract data by using it to code US military access in Africa, assess the relationship between spending and economic growth, and test whether economic inducements can buy influence.


Author(s):  
Jonas Tallberg ◽  
Karin Bäckstrand ◽  
Jan Aart Scholte

Legitimacy is central for the capacity of global governance institutions to address problems such as climate change, trade protectionism, and human rights abuses. However, despite legitimacy’s importance for global governance, its workings remain poorly understood. That is the core concern of this volume, which engages with the overarching question: whether, why, how, and with what consequences global governance institutions gain, sustain, and lose legitimacy. This introductory chapter explains the rationale of the book, introduces its conceptual framework, reviews existing literature, and presents the key themes of the volume. It emphasizes in particular the volume’s sociological approach to legitimacy in global governance, its comparative scope, and its comprehensive treatment of the topic. Moreover, a specific effort is made to explain how each chapter moves beyond existing research in exploring the book’s three themes: (1) sources of legitimacy, (2) processes of legitimation and delegitimation, and (3) consequences of legitimacy.


Author(s):  
Christopher J. Fuller

This introductory chapter discusses how the CIA's use of armed drones has garnered increased attention from academia and investigative journalists, particularly those working in the foreign policy, defense, and legal fields. This is due in equal parts to the secrecy surrounding their use, the technological novelty of their unmanned operation, and concerns over the agency's suitability to undertake lethal operations. While disagreements over the putative military benefits, ethical downsides, and legal complexities of the CIA's campaign are common, a number of persistent themes in media and scholarly discussions have emerged over recent years, materializing into a dominant set of commonly held views about the agency's execution of drone warfare, many of which are challenged in the book.


Author(s):  
B. Bahriev

The article deals with the features of public diplomacy resource’ application in US foreign policy in Central Asia. The author claims that American public diplomacy which has been actively working in the region since the collapse of the USSR appears to be an important instrument of achievement of not only regional, but also global objectives of the USA. Despite a certain de-emphasis on the Central Asian direction in the American foreign policy at the present stage, the rising Russian public diplomacy activity and increasing Chinese influence in the region forces Americans to look for public diplomacy response in order to secure their positions in this important, from geopolitical viewpoint and energy resource perspective, region. The aforementioned tendencies shape a competitive regional environment for implementation of public diplomacy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 504-519
Author(s):  
T. Michael Parrish

The Red River Campaign in the spring of 1864 was the disastrous culmination of the Union high command’s persistent efforts to conquer Louisiana and Texas. Abraham Lincoln ordered Maj. Gen. Nathaniel P. Banks, commander of the Department of the Gulf, to lead a large force from New Orleans up the Red River Valley, capture Shreveport (the Confederacy’s Trans-Mississippi capital and major commercial center), and invade Texas. Lincoln delayed an important campaign against Mobile and diverted significant manpower from the western theater and Arkansas, along with a large fleet of naval vessels, to support Banks in order to accomplish sweeping economic, political, and foreign policy goals. Mismanaged by Banks from the start, the campaign suffered defeat before reaching Shreveport, but it created havoc in the Red River Valley by allowing many slaves to flee to Union forces, compelling many civilians to flee with their slaves to Texas for safety, and inducing defeated Union soldiers to destroy a vast array of civilian properties and towns. As a result, northern Louisiana suffered economically for many years, while Texas emerged from the war continuing to grow into an economic powerhouse.


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