Bahrain's transnational Arab Spring: repression, oil and human rights activism

2021 ◽  
Vol 97 (4) ◽  
pp. 965-983
Author(s):  
Jessie Moritz
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transnational Activism ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Joint Activities ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Direct Outcome ◽  
The Uk

Abstract Studies of the Middle East following the Arab Spring have concluded that ‘repression works’, especially in the oil- and gas-rich countries of the Gulf. Drawing on primary materials collected during fieldwork trips to Bahrain, the United States and Britain, this article nuances the ‘repression effect’ by tracing the emergence of a transnational Bahraini opposition, mapping the relationships and joint activities between domestic and exiled Bahraini groups, international NGOs and western policy-makers. It finds that even in the context of domestic repression and continuing ideological divides within Bahrain's opposition, transnational networks have not only sustained opposition organizations, but also maintained access to foreign policy-makers, producing repeated criticisms of the Bahraini regime and legal challenges to ruling elites who visit western states. The successes of this advocacy are modest: while it has not drastically reshaped the domestic state–society relationship, it has created significant costs for the Bahraini regime and damaged Bahrain's international brand. As a result, state and opposition networks now compete for influence over western policy-makers: international ‘arenas of advocacy’—such as the UK parliament, US Congress, UNHRC and European Parliament—have now become ‘arenas of contestation’, as state and opposition narratives of Bahraini politics, filtered through western policy-makers, play out during debates over foreign policy towards Bahrain. The article positions transnational activism as a direct outcome of the ‘repression effect’, highlighting ongoing contests for influence between state and society occurring in international and transnational spaces, even as the domestic scope for opposition mobilization remains highly restricted.

In the name of the national interests: Foreign policy of Saudi Arabia after the Arab Spring

2022 ◽  
Vol 13 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-161
Author(s):  
G. G. Kosach
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Arab Spring ◽  
Arab World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
National Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Arab Spring

The paper examines the evolution of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy in the context of wider changes in the Middle East and in the Arab world triggered by the Arab Spring. The author argues that during this decade the Kingdom’s foreign policy has witnessed a fundamental transformation: the very essence of the Saudi foreign policy course has changed signifi cantly as the political es-tablishment has substantially revised its approaches to the country’s role in the region and in the world. Before 2011, Saudi Arabia — the land of the ‘Two Holy Mosques’ — positioned itself as a representative of the international Muslim community and in pursuing its foreign policy relied primarily on the religious authority and fi nancial capabilities. However, according to Saudi Arabia’s leaders, the Arab Spring has plunged the region into chaos and has bolstered the infl uence of various extremist groups and movements, which required a signifi cant adjustment of traditional political approaches. Saudi Arabia, more explicit than ever before, has declared itself as a nation state, as a regional leader possessing its own interests beyond the abstract ‘Muslim Ummah’. However, the author stresses that these new political ambitions do not imply a complete break with the previous practice. For example, the containment of Iran not only remains the cornerstone of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy, but has become even more severe. The paper shows that it is this opposition to Iran, which is now justifi ed on the basis of protecting the national interests, that predetermines the nature and the specifi c content of contemporary Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy including interaction with the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC), approaches towards the solution of the Israeli-Palestinian confl ict, combating terrorism, and relations with the United States. In that regard, the transformation of Saudi Arabia’s foreign policy has, on the one hand, opened up new opportunities for strengthening the Kingdom’s interaction with Israel, but, at the same time, has increased tensions within the framework of strategic partnership with the United States. The author concludes that currently Saudi Arabia is facing a challenge of diversifying its foreign policy in order to increase its international profi le and political subjectivity.

Dealing with Let and Escaping Pakistan’s Nuclear Coercion

2019 ◽  
pp. 197-214
Author(s):  
C. Christine Fair
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Historical Record ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Counter Terrorism ◽  
Policy Tool ◽  
Course Of Action ◽  
The Status

Given Pakistan's strategic commitments and the risk aversion of policy-makers in the United States and India, what options exist for these states to deal with LeT specifically, or more generally, the problem of Pakistan's reliance upon terrorism as a key foreign policy tool? Admittedly, the options are few and not without risk. In this chapter, I lay out three broad sets of options: maintain the status quo; manage the narrow problem of LeT through enhanced counter-terrorism efforts and leadership decapitation; and develop a new complement of compellent policies to undermine Pakistan's heretofore successful nuclear coercion strategy. India cannot compel Pakistan to cease and desist from using terrorism as a tool of policy on its own; rather, the United States will have to assume the heaviest burden in this effort. However, there is important--if limited--space for Indian action even if the United States, per its historical record, declines to pursue this course of action

7. America in the 1990s: searching for purpose

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
John Dumbrell
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
External Environment ◽  
The United States ◽  
Bill Clinton ◽  
First Year ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
International Environment ◽  
The Us ◽  
Internal Pressures

This chapter examines how the external environment of US foreign policy and internal pressures on policy makers both shifted radically in the 1990s. Internationally, the ‘long 1990s’ were characterized by intense democratic possibility. Yet they were also years of atavistic negativity and irrationality, as seen in Rwanda and Bosnia. Two questions arise: First, how should the United States respond to a world which was apparently both rapidly integrating and rapidly disintegrating? Second, was it inevitable, desirable, or even possible that the US should provide global leadership? Before discussing various approaches to these questions, the chapter considers the wider international environment of apparent unipolarity and globalization. It also analyzes the development of American foreign policy under presidents George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton, focusing in particular on the so-called ‘Kennan sweepstakes’ during the first year of Clinton’s presidency as well as Clinton’s turn towards unilateralism and remilitarization.

U.S.-Uzbek Partnership and Democratic Reforms

2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 271-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
Shahram Akbarzadeh
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Central Asia ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Positive Impression ◽  
Former Soviet Republics

In March 2002 the United States and Uzbekistan signed a Declaration of Strategic Partnership. This document marked a qualitative break in the international relations of Uzbekistan and, to some degree, the United States' relations with Central Asia. Uzbekistan had sought closer relations with the United States since its independence in September 1991. But the course of U.S.-Uzbek relations was not smooth. Various obstacles hindered Tashkent's progress in making a positive impression on successive U.S. administrations in the last decade of the twentieth century. Tashkent's abysmal human rights record and the snail's pace of democratic reforms made the notion of closer ties with Uzbekistan unsavoury for U.S. policy makers. At the same time, Washington was more concerned with developments in Russia. Other former Soviet republics, especially the five Central Asian states, were relegated to the periphery of the U.S. strategic outlook. But the dramatic events of September 11 and the subsequent U.S.-led “war on terror” changed the geopolitical landscape of Central Asia. The consequent development of ties between Tashkent and Washington was beyond the wildest dreams of Uzbek foreign policy makers. Virtually overnight, Uzbek leaders found themselves in a position to pursue an ambitious foreign policy without being slowed by domestic considerations.

scholarly journals FOREIGN POLICY OF THE SOUTH CAUCASIAN COUNTRIES: RESULTS AND NEW CHALLENGES

2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 59-70
Author(s):  
Larisa ALEKSANYAN
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Security ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Ethnic Conflicts ◽  
The South ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Ruling Elites ◽  
Independent States

The newly independent states (South Caucasian countries being no exception), the products of the Soviet Union’s traumatic disintegration, needed independent foreign policies. Throughout the three decades of their independence they formulated their priorities and defined approaches and principles under strong pressure of certain factors. This process has been unfolding amid the complicated social and political processes and geopolitical transformations in the region shaken by the post-Soviet ethnic conflicts. As could be expected, the newly independent South Caucasian states opted for different routes in their economic and statehood development, while their ruling elites took into account the external and internal contexts when shaping their foreign policies. Different approaches and different foreign policy priorities opened the doors to non-regional geopolitical actors: the United States, the European Union, Iran and Turkey have joined Russia, whose presence is rooted in its past. Recently, China, Israel and Japan have become interested in the region. Thus, today the regional countries are orientated to the interests of non-regional states. This has not benefited the situation in the region or cooperation among the regional states. Foreign policy of the South Caucasian countries is inseparable from the regional security problems, which means that it should become an object of meticulous studies. In the latter half of 2020, the war in Nagorno-Karabakh changed the region’s geopolitical setting and shattered its stability. The article sums up the results of the policies pursued by the South Caucasian countries and identifies the challenges and possible developments in the region after the Karabakh war of 2020.

Iraq and the international and regional environment Read the challenges and opportunities

2019 ◽  
pp. 2
Author(s):  
Mohammed Karim Kadhim
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
International Conflict ◽  
The United States ◽  
Regional Environment ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Arab Region ◽  
The World ◽  
Challenges And Opportunities

The international and regional changes that the world and the Especially the Arab region, are still continuing, from the demise of old regimes and the replacement of new regimes with increasing anarchy and instability, such as the war on Yemen and the regional and international conflict in Syria, between countries that support change in political regimes and others opposed to this,  Which is clearly defined and orientations according to international interests. The problem that is discussed in the research is the following questions: What is the location of Iraq in the midst of these challenges? Can Iraq, with these contradictions and internal crises, face these regional and international challenges?  Through our study, We came out with a result That is "we must work to consolidate the relations between the regional neighboring countries, especially with the international parties that are friendly to both Iraq and neighboring countries, as with the United States of America, which can achieve politically, economically, military and security support to achieve national goals and interests, The Iraqi foreign policy-makers  must try to determine what are the most important challenges facing the regional environment and work to confront them individually or cooperatively with the friendly countries and reach the Iraqi interest".

Conclusion

After Victory ◽  
2019 ◽  
pp. 257-274
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
Historical Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
American Power ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Global Power ◽  
The Cold War

This concluding chapter evaluates the implications that emerge from this book's theoretical and historical analysis for American foreign policy. The United States begins a new century as an unrivaled global power. American foreign policy makers need to be reminded what characteristics of the postwar order have made American power reasonably acceptable to other states and peoples during and after the Cold War. American power is not only unprecedented in its preponderance, but it is also unprecedented in the way it is manifest within and through institutions. This helps explain why it has been so durable. If American policy makers want to perpetuate America's preeminent position, they will need to continue to find ways to operate within international institutions, and by so doing restrain that power and make it acceptable to other states.

OIL AND GAS FACTOR IN THE FOREIGN POLICY OF LATIN AMERICA

2019 ◽  
pp. 27-33
Author(s):  
O. Tkach ◽  
V. Tsvykh ◽  
M. Khylko ◽  
O. Batrymenko ◽  
D. Nelipa
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Latin America ◽  
Research Methods ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Energy Resources ◽  
Latin American Countries

Formulation of the problem. The authors analyze the current state and prospects for the development of the oil and gas complex and their role in the foreign policy of the Latin American states, policies of the use of oil and gas resources as a tool for enhancing influence in the region, as well as the functioning of multilateral oil supply agreements. The possibilities of realization of joint energy projects in Latin America are analyzed. The presence of oil and gas in the region has always been used as a political tool. The United States' reliance on Middle Eastern oil and the carbon emissions produced by the surging demand for fossil fuels in Asia tend to dominate discussions about the role of energy in U.S. foreign policy. But in recent years, the energy relationship between the United States and Latin America has perhaps become more important than other issues, as the largest share of the United States international trade and investment in the energy sector has occurred within the Western Hemisphere. Purpose of the researchis to study the role of the oil and gas complex in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The oil and gas complex plays an important role in the foreign policy of Latin American countries. The Latin American energy market is quite attractive to transnational energy companies due to the huge volumes of cheap energy resources, the consumer market with growing energy demand. The energy markets of the Americas are deeply integrated. Despite the shale boom, which led to a sharp increase in U.S. oil production and a drop in imports, the United States still relies on Latin America for more than 30 percent of the oil it buys from abroad. The gas and gas complex part of the geological section is characterized by a similar lithological composition and the underlying rocks, containing oil and gas in industrial volumes. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of immigration policy strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges for international relations and global development. The article of analysis. Latin America, a growing importer of U.S. natural gas and the largest market for U.S., makes refined petroleum products, such as gasoline. American oil companies and utilities are big investors in Argentina, Brazil, Mexico, and Venezuela, helping to develop the energy resources of all those countries. In Brazil, the United States direct investment in oil and gas extraction reached $2,4 billion in 2015; in Mexico, the figure was $420 million. Washington's financing and technical cooperation programs have further helped the development of new energy resources in the region. U.S. institutions and funds back up clean energy investments and provide regulatory and technical guidance to tap the region's shale fields.

Capturing Carbon Dioxide: The Feasibility of Re-Using Existing Pipeline Infrastructure to Transport Anthropogenic CO2

2010 ◽  
Author(s):  
Patricia Seevam ◽  
Julia Race ◽  
Martin Downie ◽  
Julian Barnett ◽  
Russell Cooper
Keyword(s):  
Carbon Dioxide ◽  
Carbon Dioxide Emissions ◽  
Power Plants ◽  
Oil And Gas ◽  
The United States ◽  
Economic Feasibility ◽  
Worst Case ◽  
Anthropogenic Co2 ◽  
The Uk ◽  
The Impact

Climate change has been attributed to green house gases, with carbon dioxide (CO2) being the main contributor. Sixty to seventy percent of carbon dioxide emissions originate from fossil fuel power plants. Power companies in the UK, along with oil and gas field operators, are proposing to capture this anthropogenic CO2 and either store it in depleted reservoirs or saline aquifers (carbon capture and storage, CCS), or use it for ‘Enhanced Oil Recovery’ (EOR) in depleting oil and gas fields. This would involve extensive onshore and offshore pipeline systems. The decline of oil and gas production of reservoirs beyond economic feasibility will require the decommissioning onshore and offshore facilities post-production. This creates a possible opportunity for using existing pipeline infrastructure. Conversions of pipelines from natural gas service to CO2 service for EOR have been done in the United States. However, the differing sources of CO2 and the differing requirements for EOR and CCS play a significant part in allowing the re-use of existing infrastructure. The effect of compositions, the phase of transportation, the original pipeline specifications, and also the pipeline route require major studies prior to allowing re-use. This paper will first review the requirements for specifying the purity of the CO2 for CCS and to highlight the implications that the presence of impurities and the current water specifications for pipelines has on the phase diagram and the associated physical properties of the CO2 stream. A ‘best’ and ‘worst’ case impurity specification will be identified. Then an analysis on the impact and subsequent validation, of equations of state based on available experimental data on the phase modelling of anthropogenic CO2 is presented. A case study involving an existing 300km gas pipeline in the National Transmission System (NTS) in the UK is then modelled, to demonstrate the feasibility of using this pipeline to transport anthropogenic CO2. The various issues involved for the selected ‘best’ and ‘worst’ case specification are also covered. This is then followed by an investigation of the options for transport in the ‘gas’ phase and ‘supercritical’ phases, and also identifying the limitations on re-using pipeline infrastructure for CCS.

Catalysing Events, Think Tanks and American Foreign Policy Shifts: A Comparative Analysis of the Impacts of Pearl Harbor 1941 and 11 September 2001

2005 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-25 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inderjeet Parmar
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
American Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Pearl Harbor ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Impact ◽  
Policy Shifts

AbstractThe American aggression in Iraq and the campaign in Afghanistan resulted from the 11 September 2001 attacks in the US. 9/11 has had a massive, catalysing effect on the American public, press, main political parties and official foreign policy makers. This article assesses the impact of 9/11 in changing US foreign policy and especially in creating a new foreign policy establishment by comparing it to the consequences of an historical military attack on the United States – Pearl Harbor, 7 December 1941. It concludes that there is adequate evidence to suggest that a new bipartisan foreign policy consensus/establishment has emerged.

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