scholarly journals Race and racism in the founding of the modern world order

2022 ◽  
Vol 98 (1) ◽  
pp. 23-43
Author(s):  
Amitav Acharya

Abstract While race existed as a cultural marker in earlier history, a mutually-reinforcing link between racism, slavery and empire is a distinct product of western Europe and the US-led world order. Yet, mainstream scholarship on International Relations has obscured the question of race or worse, legitimized its exclusion in discussions of world order-building. At the same time, demand for racial equality from anti-colonial forces presented an alternative and inclusive conception of world order. The first part of this article offers a brief discussion of concepts of race, racism and world order. The next part examines how racist ideas and norms created exclusionary frameworks and approaches of world order, such as the European ‘standard of civilization’ principle. The third part looks at the role of racism in the emergence of the American-led world order, including US President Woodrow Wilson's rejection of the ‘racial equality’ principle in the League of Nations Charter, the privileging of ‘sovereign equality’ over ‘racial equality’ in the UN Charter, and the scant attention given to the link between colonialism and denial of human rights in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Yet, anti-colonial leaders and conferences, especially the 1955 Bandung Conference, integrated ‘national sovereignty, racialism and colonialism’, and demanded racial equality as a fundamental human right. The final part cautions against the dangers of complacency and compartmentalizing the study of race and racism, and calls instead for viewing racism as an inter-linked global challenge, hence integral to the emerging research agenda of Global International Relations.

Politeja ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 18 (2(71)) ◽  
pp. 149-170
Author(s):  
Katarzyna Gruszko

Human rights in international relations are defined by the boundaries between individual states and regions, as well as the most important theories of international relations. The assumption of their universal character often finds no reflection in the foreign policy of states, especially the strongest ones. The most important players and theories do not question the existence of human rights as such, however, their role and place in international relations are interpreted differently. Human rights in Hong Kong, the meeting place of the West and Confucianism in the context of globalization, may become the litmus test of the intentions of the world powers and their vision of a World Order in regard to human rights.


Author(s):  
D. A. Degterev ◽  
M. S. Ramich

Trilateral diplomacy is a common format of interaction in international relations, which forms various configurations of the balance of power within the framework of triangles. The concept of a “triangle” is characterized by ambivalence, has a variety of characteristics and principles of formation.The article provides an overview of the theoretical discourse on strategic triangles, as well as of practical examples of trilateral diplomacy of the past and present day. The main characteristics of strategic triangles and the features of changes in their configuration are identified (the case of USA–PRC–USSR triangle). Classification of both symmetric and asymmetric triangles (unicenter and bicenter) are given, the concept of buffer states, as well as regional conflicts with the participation of a great power as a defender, are presented.The most influential countries at the global and regional levels, forming geopolitical triangles, are identified basing on the Composite Index of National Capability (CINC). The concept of pivot states is analyzed permitting to indicate relatively small but geopolitically important countries, forming triangles together with influential states.The main strategic triangles of the modern world order are analyzed, presenting mostly countries of Asia (China, Japan, India), Russian Federation, USA and EU. The main trends of global competition based on geopolitical triangles in the XXI-st century are identified.


2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 9-15
Author(s):  
Riana Mardila

Abstract. It is now 48 years from the declaration of 1982 Burma Citizenship Law. A law that legally denied the citizenship of (Muslim) Rohingya in Myanmar. It means also that for 48 years (Muslim) Rohingya remains stateless. Their fight over citizenship then becomes a global, or at least a regional challenge in International Relations sphere. In one aspect, their attempt in finding asylum to other countries at some point threaten the (arrival) state’ security. However, in another side, they also fight for their (human) security or even so (human)rights. Both securities are equally important. This article is more an introduction to the Human Security concept that was first initiated in 1994. It starts with a simple question on “how does Human Security explain the issue of Rohingya?” It seeks for key points that Human Security can explain by reflecting on Rohingya as the case study. It aims to give a bigger picture of this conflict interpreted by Human Security concept. Finally, as we are living in the globalization era, this issue is not only a state or regional challenge, but also a global challenge where IR actors can take responsibilities in helping and solving this human insecurity issue. Keywords: Rohingya; Human Security. Abstrak. Telah berlangsung 48 tahun sejak deklarasi Undang-undang Kewarganegaraan Burma 1982. Sebuah undang-undang yang secara hukum menolak kewarganegaraan (Muslim) Rohingya di Myanmar. Itu juga berarti bahwa selama 48 tahun (Muslim) Rohingya tetap tanpa kewarganegaraan. Perjuangan mereka atas kewarganegaraan kemudian menjadi tantangan global, atau setidaknya tantangan regional dalam ranah Hubungan Internasional. Di satu aspek, upaya mereka untuk mencari suaka ke negara lain pada titik tertentu mengancam keamanan (kedatangan) negara. Namun di sisi lain, mereka juga memperjuangkan keamanan (manusia) atau bahkan lebih (hak asasi manusia). Kedua sekuritas itu sama pentingnya. Artikel ini lebih merupakan pengenalan tentang konsep Keamanan Manusia yang pertama kali dimulai pada tahun 1994. Artikel ini dimulai dengan pertanyaan sederhana tentang "bagaimana Keamanan Manusia menjelaskan masalah Rohingya?" Ini mencari poin-poin penting yang dapat dijelaskan oleh Human Security dengan merefleksikan Rohingya sebagai studi kasus. Hal ini bertujuan untuk memberikan gambaran yang lebih besar tentang konflik yang ditafsirkan oleh konsep Human Security. Terakhir, saat kita hidup di era globalisasi, masalah ini tidak hanya menjadi tantangan negara atau regional, tetapi juga tantangan global di mana para aktor IR dapat mengambil tanggung jawab dalam membantu dan menyelesaikan masalah ketidakamanan manusia ini.Kata Kunci. Rohingya; Keamanan Manusia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 8-34
Author(s):  
B. Asadov ◽  
V. Gavrilenko ◽  
S. Nemchenko

The article is devoted to the examination of the formation of new vectors for international relations development within the global format of cooperation. The establishment and unification of BRICS in the international legal sphere through a wide range of common interests and views of its members towards issues facing the modern world reflect objective tendencies of world development to the formation of amultipolar international relations system and determination of particular large country actors of broad integration and having many dimensions. The authors reveal particular characteristics of the international-legal status of BRICS, which make it possible to have an effective impact on challenges facing the modern world. The legal BRICS status differs crucially from traditional legal approaches to international organizations. Acting as a special subject of world politics, creating more trusted interaction conditions, BRICS focuses its attention on the alternative world order principles within the new model of global relations. Such a format of multilateral cooperation, as well as more trusted and additional mechanisms of international interaction, gives the members an opportunity to demonstrate their geopolitical and geoeconomic world significance, and in addition their demanded humanitarian role, which, as the analysis of the mentioned actor demonstrates, is aimed at forming its own interaction model. The logic of the BRICS agenda extension to the level of an important global management system element demonstrates the goal in the field of action and, accordingly, intensive progress of humanitarian imperatives. For these humanitarian imperatives, the issues of international peacekeeping, security, protection, encouraging human rights and providing stable development are an objective necessity, especially for active demonstration of the members’ viewpoints on the international scene. For understanding the process of the alignment of international security humanitarian imperatives it is necessary to study the existing objective needs in conjunction with each country, member of BRICS.


Unity Journal ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 145-152
Author(s):  
Manish Aryal

An ever-growing trend of radical rightist parties has brought newer dynamics to world politics. Neo-nationalism has further substantiated national integrity for changing the socio-cultural, economic and political landscape brought by globalization during the 1980s. The paper intends to analyze the concept of neo-nationalism. The paper explores this concept through an intensive study of the origin and background of neonationalism. In the paper, a study is conducted on the use of national integrity and patriotism to implement the concept of neo-nationalism in those countries. The major precautions in adopting the neo-nationalism concept are discussed in the project. A deep study is undertaken to investigate reasons that have led the world on a modern neo-nationalist order are discussed. Four peculiar reasons, in particular, the oil crisis, the collapse of the USSR and 9/11, financial and refugee crisis, and new nationalists focusing on national integrity have remained key contributors to the formation of the neo-nationalist society in the modern world. The paper studies all the reasons in depth and analyzes the key factors which might determine the new world order. The paper also uses two contemporary examples of Scotland and Western Europe to study the effects of neo-nationalism. A proper comprehensive study is done to recognize the concept of neo-nationalism and its effect on societies. The positive and negative effects are expanded to formulate a better cohesive study. Neo-nationalism is found to be a double-edged sword with monumental benefits and drawbacks. Its concept must be adopted with proper care and precaution so that major extremity groups wouldn’t be formulated.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-27 ◽  
Author(s):  
Farhood Badri

Abstract Departing from a critical norm research perspective, the paper first sketches the need to unveil the Eurocentric and secular bias of International Relations (IR) as a discipline in general and its constructivist norm research program in particular. With regard to human rights norms, and religious freedom in particular, the dominant liberal-secular international human rights law understanding of religious freedom marginalizes religious, and especially, Islamic grounds and understandings of this truly global norm. Indeed, it demonstrates both, the dominant ideational perspective of religious freedom as a Western human right grounded by Western-canonical thinkers, and the limits of accommodating religion and religious voices in IR. In contrast, and against the background of a post-secular IR, the paper seeks to unveil alternative and marginalized bodies of Islamic knowledge for the sake of a more comprehensive picture to be painted by IR. By reconstructing reformist Islamic thought and Islamic ideational perspectives and conceptualizations of religious freedom, the paper seeks to let these voices speak for themselves as truly genuine Islamic contributions to IR. The overall aim is threefold: to theoretically connect critical norm research and post-secular approaches with reformist Islamic thought by conceptualizing ijtihad as religious norm contestation; to unveil the double marginalized character of critical Muslim voices in IR; and finally to paint a broader and more comprehensive picture of Islam and IR by revealing an alternative Islamic genealogy of universal religious freedom.


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 442-449 ◽  
Author(s):  
SERGEY CHUGROV

It seems that everyone has already realized that our world enters a period of fundamental changes and the formation of a new world order. Today, the question of how the modern world will develop is one of the most vital problems of international relations. Therefore, I want to once again prudently refer to the books by J. John Ikenberry and Acharya Amitav on the American World Order (AWO)? Both books represent a lucid, intelligent, and thought-provoking analysis of tectonic transformations in the world as well as a subtle foresight of certain trends.


Author(s):  
هيئة التحرير

. أين الخطأ؟ التأثير الغربي واستجابة المسلمين. برنارد لويس، ترجمة محمد عناني، القاهرة: دار سطور، 2003، 269 ص. تحولات الفكر الإسلامي المعاصر: المرجعيات، المناهج، أسئلة التجديد. تأليف سرمد الطائي، بيروت: دار الهادي، 2003، 348 صفحة. القرن الحادي والعشرون لن يكون أمريكياًّ تأليف بيير بيازنيس ترجمة مدني قصري، بيروت: المؤسسة العربية للدرسات والنشر، 2003، 346 صفحة. Religion in International Relations: The Return from Exile. Fabio Petito & Pavlos Hatzopoulos (ed.), New York: Palgrave MacMillan, 2003, 269 pp. Occidentalism: The West in the Eyes of Its Enemies. Ian Buruma and Avishai Margalit, New York: Penguin Press, 2004, 176 pp. Terrorism, Freedom and Security: Winning Without War. Philip B. Heymann, Cambridge: MIT Press, 2003, 160 pp. Inside the Mirage: America’s Fragile Partnership with Saudi Arabia. Thomas W. Lippman, Boulder: Westview, 2003, 400 pp. The New Crusades: Constructing the Muslim Enemy. Emran Qureshi and Michael A. Sells (editors), New York: Columbia University Press, 2003, 400 pp. Islam without Fear: Egypt and the New Islamists. Raymond William Baker, Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003, 320 pp. Sudan, Oil, and Human Rights. New York: Human Rights Watch, 2003, 754 pp. Imperial America: The Bush Assault on the World Order. John Newhouse, Knopf, 2003, 208 pp. America Unbound: The Bush Revolution in Foreign Policy. Ivo Daalder & James Lindsay, The Brookings Institution, 2003, 246 pp. A History of the Islamic World. Fred James Hill & Nicholas Awde, New York: Hippocrene Books, Inc., 2004, 224 pp. The End of Democracy. Abid Ullah Jan, Pragmatic Publishing, 2003, 296 pp. للحصول على كامل المقالة مجانا يرجى النّقر على ملف ال PDF  في اعلى يمين الصفحة.


1987 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 360-374 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Davison Hunter

In primitive and nonindustrialized societies the typical (and in many cases, the exclusive) tasks of religious elites have revolved chiefly around the creation, modification, and maintenance of the symbolic universe of society. Such work invariably implied privilege and various kinds and degrees of political power. But with the expansion of the modern world order, the situation of religious elites has altered dramatically. For one, religious-knowledge workers make up a very small percentage of the ranks of a much larger knowledge sector. For example, while the percentage of religious-knowledge workers (including clergy) relative to the entire economically active population in the United States has remained relatively constant since 1870, the percentage of religious workers to the knowledge workers has declined by one half in the period between 1950 and 1970—a period of dramatic growth of the knowledge sector (see Table 1). By 1970, the percentage of religious-knowledge workers to knowledge workers generally had shrunk to one sixth of its proportionate size a century earlier. Between 1970 and 1984, this proportion has leveled off somewhat. In Western Europe and Japan the same patterns have become firmly established as well.


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