scholarly journals MERCOSUR AND REGIONAL INTEGRATION IN SOUTH AMERICA

2005 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 387-410 ◽  
Author(s):  
John AE Vervaele

In the period between 1980 and 1995, both Europe and the US made huge investments in Latin America. The process of democratization in Latin America, especially in the countries marked by a tradition of military dictatorship, has reinforced the belief in political and economic stability. The economy has displayed considerable growth and, partly stimulated by the IMF and the World Bank, several countries are embarking on privatization on a grand scale.2 Political and economic cooperation between the countries is taking the place of political and military rivalry. The time is ripe for a new attempt at integration on this continent. The overtures between Argentina and Brazil led to the establishment of Mercosur. Its economic (Mercosur is the fourth largest trade bloc in the world after the US, the EU, and Japan) and political importance have been recognized, especially by the EU. As early as 1996,3 an Interinstitutional Cooperation Agreement was concluded, an interregional framework agreement for cooperation between the EU Member States and Mercosur States parties.4 Since then, the EU-Mercosur Bi-regional Negotiations Committee (BNC)5 has already had ten meetings at which topics such as the free movement of goods, public procurement, investments, services, e-commerce, and conflict resolution were discussed. The US has never appreciated the attempts at integration in Latin America and has always striven to conclude separate free trade agreements with each individual country. The recent free trade agreement with Chile is a clear example.6

2007 ◽  
Vol 56 (3) ◽  
Author(s):  
Rolf J. Langhammer

AbstractFifty years after the Rome Treaties, is there empirical evidence for arguing that the EU today is a fully integrated goods and services market in which the “law of one price” prevails at large? Based on a number of consumer price surveys for goods and services in major cities all over the world since the seventies and, comparing the EU to a benchmark, the US market, the paper is affirmative. Price dispersion between EU cities has declined with the Eurozone as the core EU region in the lead surrounded by two concentric circles. EU goods price dispersion has generally approximated the level in the US market. Yet, price dispersion has declined throughout the world underlining the relevance of global integration rather than only regional integration. Furthermore, there is ample evidence that gravity factors against the “law of one price”, such as distance costs and borders, are still effective.


2012 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-31 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolyn Marie Dudek

Deeply-embedded norms of liberalism and protectionism alongside EU policies focusing on promoting development and regional integration have shaped EU-Mercosur relations.  These stand in stark contrast to the policies of the US, the historic hegemon in the region. This paper utilizes historical institutionalism to understand how the liberal tenets of EU competition policy and the protectionism of Common Agricultural Policy (CAP) have affected EU-Mercosur relations. Particular foci include Spain’s role in spearheading efforts to promote EU-Latin American relations and the way EU competition policies directed against monopolies in Europe spurred increased investment in Latin America, especially the Southern Cone.  The latter prompted the EU to forge closer ties with Mercosur, encouraged cooperation and development programs and spurred regional integration and liberal trade regimes in Latin America.


2009 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Anna Collins

Regionalism—the efforts of a group of nations to enhance their economic, political, social, and cultural interaction—can assume various forms, including regional integration/cooperation, market integration, development integration, with the intent of accommodating the changing national, international, and regional environment. Despite the fact that to this day, attempts at integration (in particular, market integration based on the EU model) and regionalist impulses as they currently occur have been entirely unproductive throughout the African continent, regionalism continues to be regarded by African leaders as a reasonable strategy for increasing intra-regional trade and for reversing Africa’s rising marginalization in the world economy. They continue to be assured by the success of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and the viability of the European Union’s (EU) model for integration, which begins with a free trade area or preferential trade area and ends with complete economic integration. The EU model features a specific mode of decision making (qualified majority voting), conflict resolution mechanism (role of the European Court of Justice), budgetary arrangements (revenue collection and distribution), and citizen involvement (direct elections to the European Parliament) and takes on increasingly state-like functions. While extremely successful in integrating its constituent member state in Europe, as a model it is limited, given the unique circumstances under which it was established and promoted. As noted by Emil Kirchner: Consideration of the EU as a model for other regional integration settings might be limited, given the unique circumstances in which it was established and promoted. Born out of conflict, the EU benefited from special circumstances in its development, e.g. the Cold War, the United States guarantee and nurturing role, and the industrialised nature of the European economies, which are not found elsewhere.


2020 ◽  
Vol 144 (3) ◽  
pp. 274-293

The Republic of Korea (South Korea) is one of the typical, newly-industrialised economies of Asia (ANIEs) that has undergone spectacular economic and social development over the last half century. Since the 1960s it has developed gradually and has become one of the most advanced nations of the world. As a result of the stalemate of the Doha-round, and of the financial and economic crisis in 2008–2009, a new trend seems to have emerged in the field of trade liberalization in the world. Instead of striving for a comprehensive, multilateral framework, a growing number of “new generation” free trade agreements have been emerging that are concluded on a bilateral level or among a few countries. The Republic of Korea joined this trend in 2008. Since then it has concluded a number of FTAs with Asian, American, European and other partners including the USA and the European Union, and it still has a number of draft agreements under negotiation. The EU-Korea FTA (KOREU) entered into force on 1 July 2011, marking a new era in EU-Korea trade relations. It is the most comprehensive free trade agreement ever concluded by the EU, and the first with a partner country in Asia. Since it came into force, import duties have been eliminated on nearly all products (98.7 % of duties within five years), which resulted in a far-reaching trade liberalization in services as well. Since 2011 the European Union’s exports to Korea have been growing, and the former trade deficit in the EU-Korea relations has shifted to European surplus in the balance of trade. This can be seen as an advantage for the EU, but it also reflects the vulnerability of the Korean economy’s competitiveness.


Author(s):  
Paola Mariani ◽  
Giorgio Sacerdoti

This chapter examines the negotiations on the future relations between the UK and the EU. The UK left the EU on the basis of a Withdrawal Agreement, which includes an obligation to negotiate in good faith the future relationship between the parties. The framework for future cooperation is outlined in a non-binding Political Declaration attached to the Withdrawal Agreement. This foresees the conclusion after the end of the transition period of a free trade agreement. However, the parties’ respective negotiating directives and guidelines, made public in February of 2020, show a remarkable gap in objectives and features of the future agreement, to the point that a failure of the negotiations and a no-deal Brexit is still a possibility. The chapter then considers the provisions of the Withdrawal Agreement impacting the future EU–UK relations, namely Article 184 and the Protocol on Northern Ireland that already foresees rules applying between the parties post-transition, with respect to Northern Ireland. It also reflects on the challenges the UK faces in negotiating trade agreements with the EU while also doing so with the rest of the world.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 (4) ◽  
pp. 507-523
Author(s):  
Abdullah Akel ◽  
Aylin Ege

The aim of this article is to quantify the possible effects of a potential T-TIP between the US and the EU on production and exports of Turkey?s motor vehicles and parts sector. A partial equilibrium model is used to this end under two scenarios, the first one assuming only T-TIP, whereas the second one supposing a simultaneous free trade agreement between the US and Turkey. The simulations are based on the reductions in tariffs and non-tariff barriers between the T-TIP partners in the first scenario, and between the US and Turkey, as well in the second scenario. The simulation results indicate that the prospective effects on the sector?s production and exports differ significantly depending on different levels of integration. The results also reflect decreasing net welfare for Turkey and that a free trade agreement with the United States does not offer a significant market access potential for Turkey because of its production structure.


2006 ◽  
Vol 36 (142) ◽  
pp. 81-94
Author(s):  
Ana Garcia

The Free Trade Agreement of the Americas (FTAA) could not be set up in the way and time the US-Government firstly wanted. Among others, one of the main reasons was the wide spread network resistance that involved trade unions, social movements and grass roots organizations from North and South America, who worked together to pressure their governments to stop negotiations. A new space for action has emerged in the last few years with the election of left-wing Presidents in South America, converging interest of governments with demands from social movements to overcome neoliberal regional integration. A concrete alternative project against FTAA came up from the cooperation agreement between Venezuela und Cuba, but extended to other countries: The "bolivarian" Alternative for the Americas and Caribbean (ALBA) seeks to establish solidary ways of integration in Latin America.


Author(s):  
Giorgio Sacerdoti

The chapter provides a thorough examination of the options available to the UK to trade with the EU and the rest of the world. Sacerdoti departs from the understanding that the UK will not remain part of the EU single market or the EU customs union—as clearly indicated by UK Prime Minister May. Sacerdoti considers what could be the features of the new ambitious free trade agreement between the UK and the EU, and explains what would instead be the default rules of the World Trade Organization (WTO), The international trade conditions set by WTO rules are significantly worse than those currently enjoyed by the UK as a member of the EU. Sacerdoti, instead, sees no problem in the UK inheriting the WTO schedule of the EU, and even suggests that the pre-WTO Global Agreement on Trade and Tariffs (GATT) may provide a custom-made solution to keep border-free trade between Northern Ireland and Ireland under the so-called ‘frontier traffic exception’.


2012 ◽  
Vol 12 (1) ◽  
pp. 1850250 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dilip K. Das

Korea a dynamic newly-industrialized economy, and the EU, the largest economic block have negotiated an FTA. It came in force on July 1, 2011. Before the FTA was formed, the two were important trading partners of each other. Korea has enjoyed a trade surplus in merchandise trade vis-à-vis the EU. An overwhelmingly large proportion of EU-Korea trade is in manufacturing products. The EU took has had a surplus in trade in services vis-à-vis Korea. The FTA protocol has specified lowering of tariffs and NTBs in a phased manner over a transition period. The FTA had sector-focused negations. Technological standards and environmental considerations are a part of the FTA protocol. It has a comprehensive coverage and in trade economics parlance known as a “deep” regional integration arrangement. The impact of the FTA on the two partner economies would be positive but small. The empirical analyses predictably concluded that of the two, the FTA will benefit Korean economy relatively more in terms of welfare gains, while the EU economy will only gain modestly. An important fact that will influence the welfare gains is that the magnitude of the EU trade with Korea; it is only 2 percent to 2.5 percent of total extra-EU trade. Sectoral impact of the FTA will be important for both the EU and Korea and this article elucidates which sectors will benefit more than others. To protect domestic producers and markets from sudden surge in imports, there is a provision of a bilateral safeguard clause in the FTA.


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