International Political Sociology as a Mode of Critique: Fracturing Totalities

Author(s):  
Jef Huysmans ◽  
Joao P Nogueira

Abstract This paper asks how international political sociology (IPS) can articulate its criticality so that it can continue to engage with lineages that privilege processes and practices emerging from the always fluid and multiple entanglements of fragments without resorting to totalizing logics. IPS and IR more generally have experienced an intensified interest in situated and micro analyses. Engaging the fragmentation of the international, however, has gone hand in hand with pulls towards thinking big and wholes as a condition for critical analysis. We share the position that critical thought needs a conception of the structural if it does not want to remain locked in simply describing un-connected fragments of life. However, the challenge is to do so without making the meaning of fragments derivative of conceptions of wholes that reinsert horizons of totalization. Drawing on Deleuzian thought, the paper opens towards a conception of the structural and its relation to fragments that embraces heterogeneity, multiplicity, and fluidity with the express intent of vacating lingering totalities and foregrounding creativity in life. In a context of fragmenting international relations, we see re-engaging the question of how to separate structural thought from horizons of totalization as a contribution to ongoing debates on the nature and limits of critique. Cet article étudie la manière dont la criticité de la sociologie politique internationale (SPI) peut être articulée afin de continuer à impliquer des lignes qui privilégient les processus et pratiques émergeant d'intrications de fragments toujours plus fluides et multiples sans avoir recours à des logiques totalisantes. D'une manière plus générale, l'intérêt porté aux analyses ciblées et aux micro-analyses dans la SPI et dans les relations internationales s'est intensifié. L'implication d'une fragmentation de l'international est cependant allée de pair avec des enclins à penser grand et à adopter une vision d'ensemble qui conditionnent l'analyse critique. Nous partageons l'avis qu'une conception du structurel est nécessaire à la pensée critique pour éviter qu'elle ne se cantonne à décrire des fragments de vie déconnectés. Le défi est toutefois de le faire sans faire dériver la signification des fragments des conceptions d'ensemble qui réintroduisent des horizons de totalisation. Cet article puise dans la pensée deleuzienne pour s'ouvrir sur une conception du structurel et de sa relation avec les fragments qui englobe l'hétérogénéité, la multiplicité et la fluidité avec l'intention expresse d’évacuer les totalités persistantes et de mettre la créativité au premier plan de la vie. Dans un contexte de fragmentation des relations internationales, nous voyons le réengagement de l'interrogation sur la manière de séparer la pensée structurelle des horizons de la totalisation comme une contribution aux débats actuels portant sur la nature et les limites de la critique. En este artículo se plantea cómo la sociología política internacional (SPI) puede articular su criticidad para poder seguir interactuando con los linajes que privilegian los procesos y las prácticas que surgen de los cambiantes y múltiples entrelazamientos de fragmentos sin recurrir a lógicas totalizadoras. En términos más generales, la SPI y las RR. II. han adquirido un interés más profundo en los análisis situados y los microanálisis. La fragmentación de lo internacional, por su parte, ha ido acompañada de las presiones para pensar en grande y en conjunto como condición para el análisis crítico. Consideramos que el pensamiento crítico necesita una concepción de lo estructural para no quedarse encerrado en la simple descripción de fragmentos de la vida que no están conectados. Sin embargo, el desafío es lograr esto sin que el significado de los fragmentos derive de ideas integrales que reinserten perspectivas de totalización. A partir del pensamiento deleuziano, el artículo se abre hacia una concepción de lo estructural y su relación con los fragmentos que abarca la heterogeneidad, la multiplicidad y la variabilidad con el claro objetivo de dejar de lado las persistentes totalidades y dedicar especial atención a la creatividad en la vida. En este marco de fragmentación de las relaciones internacionales, creemos que volver a plantear la cuestión de cómo separar el pensamiento estructural de las perspectivas de totalización supone un aporte a los debates actuales sobre la naturaleza y los límites de la crítica.

2020 ◽  
Vol 46 (3) ◽  
pp. 325-336 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Sisson Runyan

AbstractForestalling sureties about what constitutes violence and feminism and the relationships between violence and feminism have been significant themes in the work of feminist International Relations theorist Marysia Zalewski. I follow how Zalewski, through her work and work with others including myself, interrupts well-trodden ‘trails’ of violence and feminism to open up thinking about both. I consider how her provocative work on violence and particularly feminist violence prefigures and advances cutting-edge critical thought on violence as represented in the ‘Histories of Violence’ project. What I call her ‘palimpsestic’ or multilayered and intertextual approach to violence reveals it as not only destructive, but also productive in terms of breaking with deadening conventions. I also consider her conceptualisation of feminist violence as both epistemic and militant over time in relation to some contemporary feminist insurgencies, the kinds of insurgencies that serve as her muses for breaking out of forms of ‘secured’ feminism and opening space for unbounded feminist thought. Consistent with her insistence that theory (and writing) should provide uncomfortable openings, not comforting foreclosures, I end not with a conclusion about her work, but rather echo her call to resist the kind of ‘knowing’ that suffocates critical thinking and (re)generative feminist thought.


1977 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 286-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. Kubálková ◽  
A. A. Cruickshank

The title of the article is intended to focus the attention of Western writers on international relations theory upon two aspects of this rapidly growing research area. Rather than meeting with an incomprehensible neglect it is our argument that the aspects referred to might well be accorded one of the key places. Failure to do so, it our contention, when transferred from considerations of theoretical efficiency into the no less precarious realm of practical policy, might well have proportionately hazardous implications. We would beg forbearance, however, if within the necessarily limited scope of this article only a very perfunctory and sketchy outline of the meaning and implications of the omissions can be given. The sole purpose of this article is to provoke interest in these particular areas rather than to supply the deficiencies – a task which clearly could only be undertaken in the expanded context of a major work.


2018 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 126-161
Author(s):  
Jonathan Bendor ◽  
Jacob N. Shapiro

AbstractHistorians and some scholars of international relations have long argued that historical contingencies play a critical role in the evolution of the international system, but have not explained whether they do so to a greater extent than in other domains or why such differences may exist. The authors address these lacunae by identifying stable differences between war and other policy domains that render the evolution of the international system more subject to chance events than those other domains. The selection environment of international politics has produced tightly integrated organizations (militaries) as the domain’s key players to a much greater degree than other policy domains. Because there are few players, no law of large numbers holds, and because militaries are tightly integrated, microshocks can reverberate up to macro-organizational levels. The anarchic character of the international system amplifies the impact of these shocks. The authors explore these phenomena in a range of historical examples.


2012 ◽  
Vol 55 (spe) ◽  
pp. 9-29 ◽  
Author(s):  
Eduardo Viola ◽  
Matías Franchini ◽  
Thaís Lemos Ribeiro

In the last five years, climate change has been established as a central civilizational driver of our time. As a result of this development, the most diversified social processes - as well as the fields of science which study them - have had their dynamics altered. In International Relations, this double challenge could be explained as follows: 1) in empirical terms, climate change imposes a deepening of cooperation levels on the international community, considering the global common character of the atmosphere; and 2) to International Relations as a discipline, climate change demands from the scientific community a conceptual review of the categories designed to approach the development of global climate governance. The goal of this article is to discuss in both conceptual and empirical terms the structure of global climate change governance, through an exploratory research, aiming at identifying the key elements that allow understanding its dynamics. To do so, we rely on the concept of climate powers. This discussion is grounded in the following framework: we now live in an international system under conservative hegemony that is unable to properly respond to the problems of interdependence, among which - and mainly -, the climate issue.


2020 ◽  
Vol V (IV) ◽  
pp. 17-28
Author(s):  
Mirza Shahid Rizwan Baig ◽  
Rao Qasim Idrees ◽  
Hafiz Muhammad Usman Nawaz

Housing has been given a special priority by the present Government of Pakistan due to its huge financial impact. One of the basic necessities of life includes housing. Housing has been acknowledged as directory principle under the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Pakistan 1973. Under the scheme of the Constitution of Pakistan 1973, the provision of housing units is primarily the responsibility of the Local Governments in the provinces, but they have miserably failed to do so. This article points out some of the major reasons and obstacles due to which housing laws are unable to regulate the housing industry of Pakistan in an effective manner. At the end of this article, some suggestions and recommendations have been given, which are necessary to improve the legislative as well as the regulatory mechanism of the housing industry in Pakistan.


2021 ◽  
Vol 5 ◽  
pp. 58-74
Author(s):  
Dustin Johnson

In this paper I aim to provide a critical analysis of how Vancouver Principle (VP) 11 on the Contribution of Women to preventing the recruitment and use of child soldiers addresses gender and women’s involvement in peacekeeping. Critical feminist research on gender and war, the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda, and international relations has examined and critiqued the important ways in which gender underlies, informs, and helps give meaning to matters of international peace and security. I draw on this diverse literature to discuss how VP 11 approaches gender and peacekeeping in a way that is at times problematic and at others nuanced and progressive, and provide concrete recommendations for how critical feminist insights can improve the implementation of the Vancouver Principles. The importance of understanding gender dynamics for peacekeeping in general, and for preventing the recruitment and use of children as soldiers in particular, necessitates more nuanced approaches to gender analysis and women’s participation. The implementation of VP 11 can support both of these areas.


2019 ◽  
Vol 26 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 39-63 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kerem Nisancioglu

This article explores how International Relations (IR) might better conceptualise and analyse an underexplored but constitutive relationship between race and sovereignty. I begin with a critical analysis of the ‘orthodox account’ of sovereignty which, I argue, produces an analytical and historical separation of race and sovereignty by: (1) abstracting from histories of colonial dispossession; (2) treating racism as a resolved issue in IR. Against the orthodox account, I develop the idea of ‘racial sovereignty’ as a mode of analysis which can: (1) overcome the historical abstractions in the orthodox account; (2) disclose the ongoing significance of racism in international politics. I make this argument in three moves. Firstly, I present a history of the 17th century struggle between ‘settlers’ and ‘natives’ over the colonisation of Virginia. This history, I argue, discloses the centrality of dispossession and racialisation in the attendant attempts of English settlers to establish sovereignty in the Americas. Secondly, by engaging with criticisms of ‘recognition’ found in the anticolonial tradition, I argue that the Virginian experience is not simply of historical interest or localised importance but helps us better understand racism as ongoing and structural. I then demonstrate how contemporary assertions of sovereignty in the context of Brexit disclose a set of otherwise concealed colonial and racialised relations. I conclude with the claim that interrogations of racial sovereignty are not solely of historical interest but are of political significance for our understanding of the world today.


Author(s):  
Wolfgang Breul ◽  
Holger Th. Gräf

ABSTRACT This review article provides an overview and critical analysis of the recent literature on Philip of Hesse on the occasion of his 500th birthday in 2004. The article covers the following fields of Philip’s life and reign: i) the young Philip; ii) territorial policy; iii) Reformation and church policy; iv) social and educational policy; v) dynastical issues and his bigamous marriage; vi), princely household, art and culture; vii) foreign policy and international relations; viii) Philip in his later years; ix) reception; x) general historiographical assessment of Philip of Hesse.


2013 ◽  
Vol 40 (2) ◽  
pp. 325-347 ◽  
Author(s):  
KEREM NISANCIOGLU

AbstractThe history of capitalism's origins is unmistakably Eurocentric, placing sixteenth-century developments in politics, economy, culture, and ideology squarely within the unique context of Europe. And while the disciplinary remit of International Relations (IR) should offer a way out of such European provincialism, it too has been built on largely Eurocentric assumptions. In Eurocentric approaches, the Ottoman Empire has been absent, passive, or merely a comparative foil against which the specificity and superiority of Europe has been defined. And yet, the Ottoman Empire was arguably the most powerful actor in the Early Modern period. In this article, I argue that any history of capitalism's origins must therefore account for the historical importance of the Ottomans. In doing so, this article seeks to address the non-European blind-spot, both in theorisations of capitalism's origins and in IR theory, by reincorporating the material significance of the Ottoman Empire in historical processes, which led to the transition to capitalism. I do so by utilising the theory of Uneven and Combined Development, and in the process seek to defend its credentials as a non-Eurocentric social theory on the one hand and as a sociologically and historically sensitive theory of international relations on the other.


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