scholarly journals The power of marvellous objects

Author(s):  
Ingrid Ciulisová

Abstract This paper explores the interest of Charles IV of Luxembourg (1316–1378), King of Bohemia and Holy Roman Emperor, in collecting gemstones, which has hitherto been little studied. It analyses this interest in connection with the fourteenth-century French royal court, and especially with the collecting activities of Charles V of Valois (1338–1380), King of France. Both of these sovereigns had an interest in ancient gems and they used them in the same manner; their practices prove to have been inspired by the reinvented traditions of the saintly Capetian monarch Louis IX, King of France, and of the ancient Roman Empire. This study shows how Charles of Luxembourg and Charles of Valois sought out and used precious and semi-precious stones as instruments of their royal self-images and claims to power.

Geophysics ◽  
1977 ◽  
Vol 42 (4) ◽  
pp. 890-896
Author(s):  
Howard W. Pollock

While a number of concepts date back to Roman Law, the origins of the modern law of the sea might very well be said to have occurred early in the 16th Century. Charles V, King of Spain and Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire, decreed that the seas were to be divided between the Portuguese and the Spanish. His first challenge came from his cousin, Francis I, King of France, who had organized and financed an expedition to explore the New World. Charles sent an Ambassador to Francis reminding him of the imperial decree forbidding all but the Portuguese and Spanish to navigate to the New World. Francis’ answer to the envoy was very straightforward: “Tell my good cousin Charles that if he will show me where in Adam’s will the sea was bequeathed to the Spanish and Portuguese, then I will obey.” Accordingly, Francis’ expedition, led by an Italian, Verrazano, sailed and discovered what is now New York harbor.


Author(s):  
Edward J. Watts

Greek-speaking Romans writing after the fall of Constantinople soon abandoned hope of a final Roman renewal. Some, like Laonikos Chalkokondyles, looked to a renewed Hellenism that would reassert Greek virtues that the millennia-long Christian Roman period of Greek history had suppressed. Others, like Michael Critobulus, saw the Roman future as one in which Romans worked with the new Ottoman regime. Western figures ranging from Enea Sylvio Piccolomini (the future Pope Pius II) to the Holy Roman Emperor Maximilian I took up the idea of a restoration of Roman control of Constantinople spearheaded by the Holy Roman Empire. These ideas even inspired Maximilian’s grandson Charles V to undertake campaigns against the Ottomans in Europe and the Mediterranean that he equates to Republican and imperial Roman wars, but the combination of the Lutheran teaching and a French alliance with the Ottomans weakened Charles’s claims to universal, Christian Roman leadership.


2004 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 33-61 ◽  
Author(s):  
M. CECILIA GAPOSCHKIN

This article traces the early reception of Ludovicus Decus Regnantium, the most common Proper Office for Saint Louis, King of France, canonized in 1297. It is generally considered a Dominican Office thought to have been produced on commission by the Dominican, Arnaud DuPrat, after his Order instituted Louis’ feast day. A number of factors confuse this attribution, including the existence of an earlier, rare Office for Louis, Nunc Laudare. A close examination of the extant evidence for the attribution and early reception of the Office leads to the conclusion that the Office was not celebrated by most, or even many, of the Dominican convents in France. It can thus be better understood in its Parisian and royal milieu within the context of the close relationship between the royal court of Philip the Fair (r. 1285–1314) and the Dominican convent of the Rue St-Jacques in Paris.


Author(s):  
Svante Fischer

In this paper, I discuss the context of a Late Roman solidus hoard found in the Casa delle Vestali on the Forum Romanum in Rome. The hoard consists of 397 solidi, Late Roman gold coins. Most of the hoard consists of uncirculated solidi struck in the name of the Western Roman emperor Procopius Anthemius (AD 467–472). By means of situating the hoard within the context of the reign of Anthemius and the collapse of the Western Roman Empire, the aim of this paper is to determine if the coins in the Vestal hoard can be related to other contemporary coin hoards by means of numismatic typology; this information could add to our understanding of why Anthemius’ reign is considered such an unmitigated failure and why the Empire collapsed soon after his murder. In this article, the composition of the hoard is examined, and the contents are compared to other contemporary solidus hoards in the Mediterranean, Gaul, Poland and Scandinavia. I argue that this comparison shows that the Vestal hoard is not part of a larger network but that the hoard constitutes the remains of an isolated occurrence—as initially suggested by its unusual composition and location.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 7-22
Author(s):  
Arseniy Bogatyrev

There is an opinion that the fi rst detailed description of certain aspects of the Western (royal) funeral rite appeared in Russia along with a description of the funeral procession in 1558-1559 of the Holy Roman Emperor Charles V. Much more information contain reports of the Russian diplomat Vasily M. Tyapkin, who visited the burial of Kings Jan II Kazimierz and Michał Wiśniowiecki in Rzeczpospolita (1674, 1676). A unique example in Russian diplomatic practice of the age, these recordings expanded the ideas of the anatomical aspects of the funeral ritual, its public character, the use of state symbols, military paraphernalia, music, etc. Many of the things listed by the resident were used later in the Western-style funerals of Peter the Great’s associate Franz Lefort, in the “sad ceremonies” as a whole of the eighteenth and partly nineteenth centuries. This Moscow diplomat’s information also complements sources, in particular, on some aspects of the action with the heart of King Michał. The thoroughness of fi xing all the procedures suggests that Tyapkin used some ready-made sources of information, which really existed. Tyapkin’s reports, which were abundant in details, anticipated many innovations of Peter I and his followers, showed that Peter’s reforms of the funeral ritual could have a Polish-Lithuanian source.


Author(s):  
Hedda, Reindl-Kiel

Abstract The motivation of the Ottoman sultans to commence and to keep diplomatic contacts with Muscovy was largely due to their demand for luxury commodities such as sable fur and walrus tusks. The royal court used furs as clear status markers, particularly when bestowing robes of honour upon dignitaries. This feature allows glimpses into the deeply hierarchical structure of Ottoman society, which had only little formal divisions. Moreover, the royal palace used sable fur in a similar function as precious stones in decorating the setting when receiving foreign diplomats. Imports from the Ottoman Empire to Russia are not documented in the Turkish archives. The same is true for diplomatic gifts from the Ottoman court to Moscow. Only from the 18thcentury onwards gift packages to the court of St. Petersburg are recorded, indicating Russias political position as a European global player in the view of the Porte.Аннотация Одной из причин инициации и поддержания дипломатических контактов с Московией для Османских султанов было желание обладать определенными предметами роскоши собольими мехами и моржовыми бивнями. При дворе меха служили маркерами статуса, особенно если мантии вручались первыми лицами как награда за какие-либо заслуги. Более того когда во дворце готовили покои к приему иностранных дипломатов, собольи меха использовались в качестве украшения интерьера, как и драгоценные камням. В Турецких архивах нет документов об импорте товаров из Османской империи в Россию, дипломатические подарки Османского двора Московии также документально не зафиксированы. Только начиная с XVIII в. велась запись подарков-подношений ко двору в Санкт-Петербурге. Согласно этим документам Россия воспринималась Османской империей в качестве значимого политического игрока.


Author(s):  
Alexander Lee

Scholars have long believed that ‘medieval’ universalism was supplanted by ‘Italian’ nationalism over the course of the fourteenth century. As this chapter demonstrates, however, nothing could be further from the truth. Although the humanists were often more concerned with the fate of Italy, or of individual cities, than of mankind as a whole, they did not waver in their belief that the Holy Roman Empire enjoyed universal dominion. Only at the very end of the Visconti Wars, when the Empire was seen to threaten the peace and liberty of the peninsula did ‘Italianness’ at last begin to come to the fore. Yet this is not to say that their universalism was unvarying. Depending on whether they chose to view it more as the successor of the ancient imperium Romanum or as an instrument of providence, they could paint it in idealistically ‘Roman’ colours, or endow it with a more ‘hegemonic’ tinge.


Author(s):  
Davina C. Lopez

This chapter discusses several aspects of Roman imperial culture that offer resonances with the study of the New Testament. Herein several gendered and sexualized tropes of Roman imperial ideology, which serve to discursively naturalize power relationships and differences in hierarchy, are considered. These include the impenetrable manliness of the Roman emperor, the link between military conquest and sexual violence and feminization of conquered barbarian “others,” and the characterization of the Roman Empire as an endlessly fertile family. Special attention is given to the rhetorical and representational dimensions of Roman imperial culture, and particular emphasis is afforded to visual representation. Finally, the article considers several areas wherein the intersection of gender, sexuality, Roman imperial culture, and the study of the New Testament might further be explored.


Author(s):  
Samuel Asad Abijuwa Agbamu

AbstractIn his 1877 Storia della letteratura (History of Literature), Luigi Settembrini wrote that Petrarch’s fourteenth-century poem, the Africa, ‘is forgotten …; very few have read it, and it was judged—I don’t know when and by whom—a paltry thing’. Yet, just four decades later, the early Renaissance poet’s epic of the Second Punic War, written in Latin hexameters, was being promoted as the national poem of Italy by eminent classical scholar, Nicola Festa, who published the only critical edition of the epic in 1926. This article uncovers the hitherto untold story of the revival of Petrarch’s poetic retelling of Scipio’s defeat of Hannibal in Fascist Italy, and its role in promoting ideas of nation and empire during the Fascist period in Italy. After briefly outlining the Africa’s increasing popularity in the nineteenth century, I consider some key publications that contributed to the revival of the poem under Fascism. I proceed chronologically to show how the Africa was shaped into a poem of the Italian nation, and later, after Italy’s invasion of Ethiopia, of Italy’s new Roman Empire. I suggest that the contestations over the significance of the Africa during the Fascist period, over whether it was a national poem of Roman revival or a poem of the universal ideal of empire, demonstrate more profound tensions in how Italian Fascism saw itself.


1952 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-5
Author(s):  
Isabel Pope

In the introductory section of La Música en la Corte de Carlos V (Barcelona, 1944), Dr. Higinio Anglés published a series of documents from the Archives at Simancas which showed that a Chapel composed exclusively of Spanish musicians was attached to the Royal Court of Spain as early as 1526 and existed simultaneously with the Emperor's Flemish Chapel from that time. The Spanish Chapel was established by the Empress, Isabel of Portugal, the wife of Charles V, who acted as his regent during his many and prolonged absences from Spain. While the Flemish Chapel regularly accompanied the Emperor on his journeys, the chapel of the Empress belonged to her household and remained permanently in Spain. It is interesting to note the name of Antonio de Cabezón in the first list of cantors of this chapel. The name of the great composer of keyboard music appeared continuously among the musicians attached to the Royal Court until he died in 1566.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document