“Contradictions between the People and the Enemy”

2020 ◽  
pp. 175-206
Author(s):  
Xiaoqun Xu
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
Crime Prevention ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Social Engineering ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Procedural Law ◽  
The People

Chapter 7 presents the Maoist theory of class struggle and its manifestation in dealing with common crimes and political offenses by legal (and extralegal) and judicial (and extrajudicial) means. Such practices originated in the pre-1949 revolutionary experiences and culminated in the disastrous Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). The chapter explains the reasons why the CCP did not find it necessary to have a criminal code and a criminal procedural law, and how the mechanisms of social engineering that the CCP designed and developed helped social control and crime prevention. It traces the rationales and practices of “reform through labor” and “reeducation through labor” during the Mao era and after. It describes the political campaigns of the 1950s and 1960s that reached the point of lawlessness in the Cultural Revolution.

“Naked Officials” and “Heavenly Net”

2020 ◽  
pp. 256-284
Author(s):  
Xiaoqun Xu
Keyword(s):  
Criminal Justice ◽  
National Security ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
White Collar ◽  
Criminal Code ◽  
Procedural Law ◽  
Legal Responses ◽  
Societal Changes ◽  
Corrupt Party ◽  
Party State

Chapter 10 continues the survey of criminal justice in 1997–2018. It notes important changes in the Criminal Code and the Criminal Procedural Law, including the abolition of class struggle as the guide to criminal justice and “counterrevolutionary” as a criminal category, and the introduction of “harming national security” as a criminal category in the 1997 Criminal Code. Other changes include a series of amendments in recent years to the 1997 Criminal Code and the 1996 Criminal Procedural Law, providing more safeguards of the rights of the accused and reducing the number of capital offenses, and the abolition of the “reeducation through labor” (laojiao) system in 2013. Another area of legal responses to societal changes in the period is prosecution of corrupt party-state officials at high levels. A law-enforcement program called Heavenly Net was launched in early 2015 to capture corrupt officials and white-collar criminals who fled to other countries.

scholarly journals STRATEGY OF THE POLITICAL CAMPAIGN MODEL

2019 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-53
Author(s):  
Andiwi Meifilina ◽  
Sulistyo Anjarwati
Keyword(s):  
Life Experiences ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Campaign ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
The Public ◽  
Female Candidates ◽  
The People ◽  
Strategy Model ◽  
The Right

The problems faced when approaching the election are many, one of which is the problem related to how to lobby politics to the public to use their voting rights so that they do not abstain. This problem that is often encountered can be solved by implementing the right political campaign model strategy. The strategy in political campaigns is a careful plan for activities to achieve specific goals where the activities carried out are carried out by political organizations or competing candidates to compete for positions in parliament in order to get the support of the mass of voters (voters) in voting. In line with Law No. 10 of 2008 concerning elections for members of the DPR, DPD and DPRD loaded with 30 percent quota for women in article 53, coupled with article 8 paragraph 1 mentioned regarding statements of at least 30 percent quota of women's representation in central party political party management as one of the requirements political parties to be able to become participants in the election. The purpose of this study was to find out in depth about the strategy of the political campaign model of female candidates in Blitar Regency as a method used by legislative candidates to attract their voters. This way of lobbying politics to the community has the aim of introducing candidates to the public through political campaigns that bring up the positive image of legislative candidates by involving the community. One way in which legislative candidates take to attract attention and get votes from various communities is starting from giving promises when campaigning. The subject of this research is that all the people and female candidates in Blitar Regency and the object of their research are the political campaign model strategies in Blitar Regency. The type of research used is qualitative research using the phenomenology approach. The phenomenology approach aims to describe the meaning of life experiences experienced by some individuals about certain concepts or phenomena by exploring the structure of human consciousness. So here the researcher wants to know the meaning of the experience experienced by the community and female candidates related to the political campaign model strategy through this phenomenology study. This research method uses a qualitative approach with interviews, observation, and documentation studies. This research produced a strategy model for political campaigns related to the phenomenon of female candidates in Blitar District.  

The Cultural Origins of the Cultural Revolution

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Wang Zheng
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Turning Point ◽  
Film Industry ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
The Political ◽  
Gender Analysis ◽  
Feminist Revolution ◽  
Cultural Origins ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

Locating a turning point in socialist film industry in 1964, this chapter demonstrates a crucial moment when a socialist feminist revolution of culture was replaced by the ascending Cultural Revolution in the cultural realm. An anti-feudalism agenda was defined as revisionist and bourgeois by radicals in the CCP in their propagating of a Maoist class struggle. Underlying the political maneuvers were personal animosities that led to Xia Yan’s downfall and Jiang Qing’s ascendance to the power center.The chapter presents a gender analysis of Jiang Qing’s revolutionary model theaters and suggests a re-location and re-periodization of the beginning of the Cultural Revolution in the cultural realm in 1964.

The Contests for Communal Temples in the Early 1950s to the Mid-1970s

2020 ◽  
pp. 59-84
Author(s):  
Xiaoxuan Wang
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Crucial Role ◽  
Local History ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
Religious Activities ◽  
Minimal Level ◽  
The Stability

From collectivization to the Cultural Revolution, communal temples deprived of land routinely came under attack, from political campaigns and encroachments on their property and religious sites. By the early 1970s, the vast majority of communal temples in Rui’an were either shut down, occupied, or destroyed—a massive deterritorialization on a truly unprecedented scale in local history. Followers quickly learned to deal with the expropriation of traditional communal religious space through various tactics to carry on worship. The restoration of temples did not lack the support of Communist Party cadres, the new village leadership. However, since the political climate affected the stability of religious spaces, as well as the material foundations and leadership of communal religious activities, attempts to restore temples and temple practices could only persist at a minimal level. But this persistence had a crucial role in laying the groundwork for the post-Mao revival of communal temples.

The Witch-Hunting Vanguard: The Central Secretariat's Roles and Activities in the Anti-Rightist Campaign

2011 ◽  
Vol 206 ◽  
pp. 391-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yen-lin Chung
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
The Political ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
The Witch ◽  
Witch Hunt

AbstractWhen the king went astray, the people suffered for it. Just as a wayward king needed loyal and capable courtiers to implement his wishes, so too did Mao Zedong in the People's Republic of China. The Anti-Rightist Campaign was one of Mao's controversial policies, and involved him delegating his trusted followers to implement his political initiatives. This article examines how the Central Secretariat, led by Deng Xiaoping, effectively implemented and strictly supervised the process, as well as the negative influences of the Central Secretariat on this witch-hunt-like campaign. It thus provides a case study of how the Central Secretariat operated and functioned as a powerful political apparatus in the political processes of the Chinese Communist Party during the pre-Cultural Revolution period.

The Politics of Destabilization and Confrontation: the Campaign against Lin Biao and Confucius in Zhejiang Province, 1974

1986 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 433-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Forster
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socialist Society ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Political Scene

In the five years between the disappearance of Lin Biao in 1971 and the death of Mao Zedong in 1976 the Chinese political scene was highly volatile. Mass campaigns erupted regularly, disrupting and diverting efforts to normalize political, economic and social activities, which had originally been thrown into chaos during the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution. After the 10th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in August 1973 the question of succession to the ageing Mao and ailing Premier Zhou Enlai became a matter of urgency to the political elite. At issue was the direction China would take in the post-Mao era, central to which was an assessment of the validity of Mao's thesis concerning the continuation of class struggle in socialist society, and his attempt to put into operation the conclusions he drew from this analysis.

Between Class Struggle and Family Loyalty

2014 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 284-304 ◽  
Author(s):  
Xiaocai Feng
Keyword(s):  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Family Members ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Political Campaigns ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Struggle ◽  
The Family ◽  
Family Loyalty ◽  
Family Ethics ◽  
The Masses

During the political campaigns launched by the Chinese Communist Party in the Maoist period, full mobilisation of the masses became the norm. Yet it was not just the authorities and their myriads of units and personnel who became involved. In order to achieve maximum impact, the CCP targeted and mobilised the families of the actors concerned. This paper examines the strategy and measures implemented by the CCP during the Five Antis Movement to manipulate the wives and children of businessmen and merchants and to use them as leverage in pressing businessmen and merchants to ‘confess’ and reveal their alleged wrongdoings in business deals with the state. Although most chose to resist and to side with their husband or father, political pressure was strong enough to force family members to become the instruments of power within the family. While the actual overall cost is impossible to evaluate, enlisting family members into political struggle left a legacy of distrust and uncertainty, which in turn dealt a serious blow to family ethics.

scholarly journals Corruption and clientele relations in Serbia: Post-revolutionary state 2000-2003

2003 ◽  
Vol 75 (9-10) ◽  
pp. 264-280
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Fatić
Keyword(s):  
Social Control ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People

The author analyses forms, causes and consequences of corruption in Serbia after the political changes of October 2000. He comes to the conclusion that the people experience infiltration of crime into society as a result of previous government, but that however there is an urge for certain measures of social control to be established and undertaken.

On the Will of the People: Notes on the Political “Theory” of Populism

2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Claus Offe
Keyword(s):  
Ethnic Identity ◽  
Political Theory ◽  
Conflicts Of Interest ◽  
Political Rhetoric ◽  
The Political ◽  
The People ◽  
National People ◽  
The Will

The “will of the (national) people” is the ubiquitously invoked reference unit of populist politics. The essay tries to demystify the notion that such will can be conceived of as a unique and unified substance deriving from collective ethnic identity. Arguably, all political theory is concerned with arguing for ways by which citizens can make e pluribus unum—for example, by coming to agree on procedures and institutions by which conflicts of interest and ideas can be settled according to standards of fairness. It is argued that populists in their political rhetoric and practice typically try to circumvent the burden of such argument and proof. Instead, they appeal to the notion of some preexisting existential unity of the people’s will, which they can redeem only through practices of repression and exclusion.

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