The Witch-Hunting Vanguard: The Central Secretariat's Roles and Activities in the Anti-Rightist Campaign

2011 ◽  
Vol 206 ◽  
pp. 391-411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yen-lin Chung
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
The Political ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
The Witch ◽  
Witch Hunt

AbstractWhen the king went astray, the people suffered for it. Just as a wayward king needed loyal and capable courtiers to implement his wishes, so too did Mao Zedong in the People's Republic of China. The Anti-Rightist Campaign was one of Mao's controversial policies, and involved him delegating his trusted followers to implement his political initiatives. This article examines how the Central Secretariat, led by Deng Xiaoping, effectively implemented and strictly supervised the process, as well as the negative influences of the Central Secretariat on this witch-hunt-like campaign. It thus provides a case study of how the Central Secretariat operated and functioned as a powerful political apparatus in the political processes of the Chinese Communist Party during the pre-Cultural Revolution period.

scholarly journals Local Movements, Political Processes and Transformation: A Case Study of Bhaktapur Municipality

1970 ◽  
Vol 11 ◽  
pp. 178-201
Author(s):  
Suresh Dhakal ◽  
Sanjeev Pokharel
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Ordinary People ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
The People ◽  
Short Period ◽  
Popular Movement

The people of Nepal have witnessed a number of political shifts within a comparatively short period of the country's history. The political revolution of 1950, which precedes all important political movements, eliminated the century-long Rana oligarchy and established the multiparty system. In 1960, late King Mahendra abolished the newly established multi-party system and implemented his own model of governance called the Panchayat system. The Panchayat system was designed to allow the King to rule the country according to his will, and the system alienated ordinary people from political processes. This system, too, came to an end after the popular movement of 1990 (widely known as jana andolan) which re-established the multi-party system in the country. DOI: 10.3126/opsa.v11i0.3036 Occasional Papers in Sociology and Anthropology Vol.11 2009 178-201

The Politics of Destabilization and Confrontation: the Campaign against Lin Biao and Confucius in Zhejiang Province, 1974

1986 ◽  
Vol 107 ◽  
pp. 433-462 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keith Forster
Keyword(s):  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Class Struggle ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Socialist Society ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Political Scene

In the five years between the disappearance of Lin Biao in 1971 and the death of Mao Zedong in 1976 the Chinese political scene was highly volatile. Mass campaigns erupted regularly, disrupting and diverting efforts to normalize political, economic and social activities, which had originally been thrown into chaos during the upheavals of the Cultural Revolution. After the 10th Congress of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) in August 1973 the question of succession to the ageing Mao and ailing Premier Zhou Enlai became a matter of urgency to the political elite. At issue was the direction China would take in the post-Mao era, central to which was an assessment of the validity of Mao's thesis concerning the continuation of class struggle in socialist society, and his attempt to put into operation the conclusions he drew from this analysis.

scholarly journals The Political Leadership of Mao Zedong

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (4) ◽  
pp. 28-33
Author(s):  
Donia Zhang
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Party Leader ◽  
The Political ◽  
Second Phase ◽  
Political Movements ◽  
Great Leap Forward ◽  
The Great Leap Forward ◽  
The Masses

This paper presents an analysis of the former Chinese Communist Party leader Chairman Mao Zedong's political career (reigned 1949-1976), with regards to his success and failures. Mao was one of the most prominent Communist theoreticians who governed a quarter of humankind for a quarter of a century. His political philosophy, particularly his Method of Leadership, focusing on the "masses" is discussed here. The analytical arguments are centered on three phases of his leadership: the rise, the apex, and the fall. In the first phase, the paper attributes his victory before 1949 to his profound understanding of Chinese peasants. In the second phase, it elaborates on his successful method of leadership in the early 1950s. And in the third and last phase, it criticizes his disastrous political movements, particularly the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution, from the late 1950s to the mid-1970s. The study hopes to offer an objective and a balanced view of Chairman Mao, who had a complex personality and was a highly controversial figure in human history. The article also wishes to help readers gain a better understanding of China's top leader in recent history, and how China came to be what it is today.

The influence of the “cultural revolution” (1966—1976) in China on the development of the political, socio-economic and spiritual spheres of the country’s public life

2020 ◽  
Vol 2020 (12-1) ◽  
pp. 98-109
Author(s):  
Ilya Kolesnikov ◽  
Konstantin Kasparyan ◽  
Nikolai Nikolaenko ◽  
Marina Rutkovskaya
Keyword(s):  
Economic System ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Public Life ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
People’S Republic Of China ◽  
The Political ◽  
People's Republic Of China ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

The article is devoted to the analysis of the influence of the “cultural revolution” carried out in the People’s Republic of China in 1966-1976 The article comprehends the reasons for the “cultural revolution”, studies the nature of the relationship between the leader of the country and his entourage, examines the change in the position of Mao Zedong in the PRC and abroad, as well as the transformation of the Chinese economic system and the spiritual sphere in the period chosen for study.

scholarly journals MAO ZEDONG IN PRESENT-DAY CHINA – FORMS OF DEIFICATION

2012 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 181-197
Author(s):  
Joanna Wardęga
Keyword(s):  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Religious Beliefs ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
The Political ◽  
Central Character ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Good Fortune ◽  
Social Sphere ◽  
Religious Rituals ◽  
Personality Cult

The purpose of this paper is to present how in China, a country combating religious beliefs, Mao Zedong has become a cult object and how the fondness towards the “Great Helmsman”, often adjacent to deification, is manifested in the present-day country. During his life, Mao Zedong was the central character of the political and social sphere of the People’s Republic of China. Admiring and, to some extent, identifying himself with the First Emperor of China, Mao was to become his contemporary version. The height of the personality cult occurred during the Cultural Revolution and was manifested in mass adoration of the Chairman. After his death and reckoning of merits and faults (in a 7:3 ratio, with dominance of the first ones), Mao seemed to be evanescing in the shadow in the modernizing China. The Maoists were fighting against religion, the feudal superstitions, however in recent years, in the officially atheist China, some beliefs in supernatural beings, power of religious rituals and offerings for ghosts reappear, as well as the interest in Buddhism, Taoism, syncretic sects and Christianity. Among the hope bringing powers there appears also deified Mao, as the creator of powerful China. The places connected with the Chairman, located on the route of the “Red Tourism” are visited by masses of the Chinese. Talismans with his image are supposed to provide security, good fortune and even prosperity. Mao is becoming a deity in the nationalistic pantheon of the power gaining China.

scholarly journals THE RED GUARD GENERATION REVISITED

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 365-368
Author(s):  
Jeffrey Wasserstrom
Keyword(s):  
Hong Kong ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Cultural Revolution ◽  
Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Fiftieth Anniversary ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Chinese Communist Party ◽  
Red Guard ◽  
The Cultural Revolution

People routinely refer to the Cultural Revolution and Mao Zedong as two subjects that are “sensitive” to write and even talk about in today's People's Republic of China (PRC). This is true, but not all “sensitive” events and individuals are created equal—or handled the same way by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). When it comes to the June 4th Massacre, another “sensitive” event, and Liu Xiaobo, another “sensitive” figure, all public and even some relatively private forms of discussion are blocked. The goal is to make them both forgotten, as Louisa Lim argues in her important, aptly titled 2014 Oxford book, The People's Republic of Amnesia: Tiananmen Revisited. The CCP's aim with the Cultural Revolution and Mao, by contrast, is not to blot out but control memory, not stop but steer the direction and constrain the scope of research, discussion, and commemoration. Last year, when the fiftieth anniversary of the first Red Guard rallies passed, there was, tellingly, muted discussion in all parts of the PRC other than Hong Kong but, equally tellingly, not a complete June 4th anniversary style blackout. Mainland bookstores stock novels dealing with the Cultural Revolution but not June 4th, and texts by and biographies of Mao but not Liu. And so on.

Non-Aligned Architecture: China’s Designs on and in Ghana and Guinea, 1955-92

2015 ◽  
Vol 58 ◽  
pp. 261-291 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cole Roskam
Keyword(s):  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
Mao Zedong ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
The People ◽  
Trace Back ◽  
The Will ◽  
Contemporary Chinese

The current international attention devoted to contemporary Chinese-financed and constructed development in Africa has tended to obscure complex and multivalent histories of the relationships between the People’s Republic of China (PRC) and numerous African nations; and many of these histories date back decades. The ideological origins behind socialist China’s engagement with Africa, and the geopolitical dynamics that continue to propel them forward, trace back to the time of Chairman Mao Zedong, who first coined the term ‘intermediate zone’ in 1946 to position the vast expanse of contested territories and undecided loyalties existing between the ideological poles of the Soviet Union and the United States after World War II. Nine years later (1955), at the first Non-Aligned Movement conference held in Bandung, Indonesia, Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai declared thatever since modern times most of the countries of Asia and Africa in varying degrees have been subjected to colonial plunder and oppression, and have thus been forced to remain in a stagnant state of poverty and backwardness […]. We need to develop our countries independently with no outside interference and in accordance with the will of the people.

Tensions between populist and feminist politics: The case of the Spanish left populist party Podemos

2020 ◽  
pp. 019251212093120
Author(s):  
Paloma Caravantes
Keyword(s):  
Political Culture ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Transformation ◽  
Political Field ◽  
Electoral Success ◽  
Feminist Politics ◽  
The People ◽  
Feminist Interpretation ◽  
Populist Party

This paper analyzes the interplay of left populist and feminist politics through a case study of Podemos (‘we can’), a Spanish left populist party that reproduces a dominant gendered logic of politics despite its feminist interpretation of democratic renewal. I argue that this is the result of fundamental contradictions between the feminist and populist projects of political transformation that coexist in the party. Even if left populism offers a more productive terrain for gender equality than right populism, central tenets of populism disrupt feminist commitments and goals. Chief among these are the oversimplification of the political field based on a limited diagnosis, the exclusionary appeals to the homeland and to a homogenizing collectivity of the people, the dominant masculine and personalistic logics of charismatic leaders, the prioritization of electoral success over other forms of political transformation, and the resulting gendered political culture that marginalizes empowerment, inclusion, and participatory democratic practices.

scholarly journals The Political Economy of Policy Reform: Insights from Southeast Asia

2013 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 108-130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hal Hill
Keyword(s):  
Political Economy ◽  
Economic Policy ◽  
Southeast Asia ◽  
Policy Reform ◽  
The Political ◽  
Policy Issues ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Economics And Politics ◽  
Political Economy Of Reform

Economists broadly agree on many key economic policy issues, but economics as a discipline has provided much less guidance on why and how economic policy reform occurs and how to develop institutional mechanisms that enable governments to adopt “good” economic policy. Political scientists are adept at identifying coalitions, constituencies, institutions, and interest groups, but they less commonly examine the implications for economic policy. Thus, work at the intersection between economics and politics—of why and how policy reform takes place—remains relatively unexplored territory. This is especially so in developing countries where political processes are more personalistic, institutions often less well established, outcomes more fluid, and the detailed case study literature on economic policy making still in its infancy. This paper provides an analytical survey of economic policy reform in Southeast Asia. It ranges across the major policy U-turns and the incremental reforms, with special reference to macroeconomic management and trade policy. On the basis of several case studies and set against the broader international literature, we advance nine conclusions on the political economy of reform.

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