Social Catholicism and Christian Democracy

Author(s):  
Matthew A. Shadle

This chapter looks at the two most important Catholic social movements following the Second World War: social Catholicism and Christian democracy. Dating back to the nineteenth century, social Catholicism was the Catholic Church’s response to capitalism by organizing workers and urging individuals to transform society according to Christian principles. In the postwar period, the organizations of social Catholicism increasingly came to accept the secularization of society and saw greater leadership roles for the laity. Christian democracy was a political movement that governed much of Western Europe in the years after the Second World War. It supported a platform in which the government collaborated with social associations to steer the economy toward the common good and meet the needs of all citizens. Both social Catholicism and Christian democracy had an important influence on later official Catholic social teaching.

2017 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 261-286 ◽  
Author(s):  
ROSARIO FORLENZA

This article traces the deep cultural and experiential foundations that animated Christian Democratic Europeanism between the mid-1940s and the birth of the European Economic Community in the late 1950s. It shows how the language of Europeanness, generated in a period of multiple and intense crisis, congealed around symbolisms of Christianity and spirituality. More specifically, it connects the post-Second World War Christian Democratic vision of Europe to the 1920s German-Catholic articulation of theAbendland(the Christian West), understood as a supranational and symbolic space alternative to the Soviet Union and the United States and imbued with anti-materialist, anti-socialist and anti-liberal principles. The argument here is that, in mutated form and in context of the Cold War, this view sustained the political reconstruction of Western Europe after the horrors of the Second World War, the ‘European’ thought and language of Christian Democracy and the commitment to the project of European integration.


Author(s):  
Gregory A. Barton

This chapter traces the expansion of industrial agricultural methods after the Second World War. Western governments and the Food and Agriculture Organization pushed for increased use of chemical fertilizers to aid development and resist Soviet encroachment. Meanwhile small groups of organic farmers and gardeners adopted Howard’s methods in the Anglo-sphere and elsewhere in the world. European movements paralleled these efforts and absorbed the basic principles of the Indore Method. British parliament debated the merits of organic farming, but Howard failed to persuade the government to adopt his policies. Southern Rhodesia, however, did implement his ideas in law. Desiccation theory aided his attempts in South Africa and elsewhere, and Louise Howard, after Albert’s death, kept alive a wide network of activists with her publications.


1970 ◽  
Vol 24 ◽  
pp. 256-276
Author(s):  
Dariusz Miszewski

During the Second World War, the national camp preached the idea of imperialism in Central Europe. Built peacefully, the Polish empire was supposed to protect the independence and security of countries in Central Europe against Germany and the Soviet Union, and thus went by the name of “the Great Poland”. As part of the empire, nation-states were retained. The national camp was opposed to the idea of the federation as promoted by the government-in-exile. The “national camp” saw the idea of federation on the regional, European and global level as obsolete. Post-war international cooperation was based on nation states and their alliances.


Author(s):  
Noel Maurer

This chapter explores how the United States' return to the empire trap played out, starting with Franklin Roosevelt in Mexico through Eisenhower in Guatemala and faraway Iran. Under Franklin Roosevelt, the United States began to provide foreign aid (in the form of grants and loans) and rolled out perhaps the first case of modern covert action against the government of Cuba. Both tools were perfected during the Second World War, which saw the creation of entire agencies of government dedicated to providing official transfers and covertly manipulating the affairs of foreign states. In addition, the development of sophisticated trade controls allowed targeted action against the exports of other nations. For example, after 1948 the United States could attempt to influence certain Latin American governments by granting or withholding quotas for sugar.


2019 ◽  
pp. 271-284
Author(s):  
Ken Hirschkop

The conclusion examines the situation after the Second World War. It shows how the linguistic turn in analytic philosophy ended and how the social democratic settlement in Western Europe gave birth to the new linguistic turns known as structuralism. The author explores the former by examining the career of Richard Rorty and the latter by looking at how Roland Barthes combines ideas from Saussure with a project for a radical analysis of French everyday life in the Mythologies. The book concludes with a review of how the various linguistic turns overinvested in the idea of language.


Colossus ◽  
2006 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Budiansky

The paths that took men and women from their ordinary lives and deposited them on the doorstep of the odd profession of cryptanalysis were always tortuous, accidental, and unpredictable. The full story of the Colossus, the pioneering electronic device developed by the Government Code and Cypher School (GC & CS) to break German teleprinter ciphers in the Second World War, is fundamentally a story of several of these accidental paths converging at a remarkable moment in the history of electronics—and of the wartime urgency that set these men and women on these odd paths. Were it not for the wartime necessity of codebreaking, and were it not for particular statistical and logical properties of the teleprinter ciphers that were so eminently suited to electronic analysis, the history of computing might have taken a very different course. The fact that Britain’s codebreakers cracked the high-level teleprinter ciphers of the German Army and Luftwaffe high command during the Second World War has been public knowledge since the 1970s. But the recent declassification of new documents about Colossus and the teleprinter ciphers, and the willingness of key participants to discuss their roles more fully, has laid bare as never before the technical challenges they faced—not to mention the intense pressures, the false steps, and the extraordinary risks and leaps of faith along the way. It has also clarified the true role that the Colossus machines played in the advent of the digital age. Though they were neither general-purpose nor stored-program computers themselves, the Colossi sparked the imaginations of many scientists, among them Alan Turing and Max Newman, who would go on to help launch the post-war revolution that ushered in the age of the digital, general-purpose, stored-program electronic computer. Yet the story of Colossus really begins not with electronics at all, but with codebreaking; and to understand how and why the Colossi were developed and to properly place their capabilities in historical context, it is necessary to understand the problem they were built to solve, and the people who were given the job of solving it.


Author(s):  
Martin Conway

This chapter focuses on the consumption of democracy. What happened in the roughly twenty-five-year period from the end of the Second World War to the late 1960s is perhaps best regarded as a process of gradual acculturation. At different speeds and by different paths, a large majority of Western Europeans came to feel at home in democracy, and began to practise democracy for themselves. However, the new democracies were more equal in their formal structures than in their social reality. The reassertion of boundaries of race, gender, sexuality, and age, after the more fluid and often chaotic experiences of the war years, was reinforced by the evolving but persistent inequalities of social class. Western Europe emphatically remained a class society after 1945. The rapid economic growth that occurred during the post-war years generated new forms of affluence, but these were distributed in ways that reinforced pre-existing class divisions. In particular, the post-war years witnessed a resurgence in the fortunes of the middle class. Whether assessed in terms of its material prosperity, its influence within and over government, or its wider social and cultural ascendancy, the middle class was the dominant social class of the post-war era.


Homelands ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 80-107
Author(s):  
Nadav G. Shelef

This chapter analyzes the division of Venezia Giulia, a paradigmatic case in which the partition of homeland territory in the aftermath of war came to be accepted as appropriate by those on both sides of the border. At the end of World War II, American intelligence services identified the border between Italy and Yugoslavia as particularly problematic and as a likely location for violent confrontations between East and West. Alongside the raging international conflict of the Second World War, this border zone was the site of an ethnic civil war between Slavs and Italians that was as bloody and bitter as any other. Yet, by the 1970s, this region became a model for regional cooperation. While individual claims for compensation for lost property remain, mainstream Italian nationalists no longer claim the areas they once fought for so passionately as appropriately part of their homeland. The chapter argues that this acceptance was not automatic or inevitable. Rather, the efforts of the governing Christian Democracy Party (DC) to stem additional territorial losses after the war and to overcome the short-term political challenges it faced in the new republic shaped the timing and process of the withdrawal of homeland territoriality from once-sacred land.


1973 ◽  
Vol 30 (12) ◽  
pp. 2077-2084 ◽  
Author(s):  
L. P. D. Gertenbach

The exploitation of pelagic shoal resources off South Africa’s west (Atlantic) coast began during the second world war, with large-scale expansion beginning in 1947–49. At the end of the forties, the Government lacked the scientific evidence to formulate effective conservation policies, and pending the outcome of the research programs it deemed it advisable to put a brake on the expansion of these fisheries.An obvious measure was a ceiling on the annual catches. But this would not necessarily have prevented further influx into the fishing or the processing phases of the industry. As part of an economy-wide practice to require licenses for various kinds of operations, these were required for all fishing boats and factories. The Government decided in 1949 to refuse the issue of licenses for additional fish-processing factories and to limit the number and capacity to those already in operation or under construction.In 1953 the fishermen, aware of the limitation on the outlets (factory intakes) for their catches, and the continued influx of outsiders into the flourishing fishing side, willingly agreed to the freezing of the number and hold capacity of vessels fishing for pilchards and maasbankers. After the enactment by parliament of the necessary enabling laws, regulations were issued to establish a Pilchard/Maasbanker Boat Limitation Committee consisting of government, factory, and fishermen representatives to apply the controls over the number of boats, their hold capacity and the allocation of this fleet to the various factories.Adjustments, including some increases in the capacity of the fleet, were made from time to time to cope with changing conditions in the resource.A serious weakening in the control system occurred when fishing and processing licenses were granted to operators of fishmeal factory ships.The results of the limitation of entry into the fishing phase and the processing phases include several significant trends, among which are a smaller number of boats, larger-size boats with more powerful engines and equipment, and increased factory-ownership of boats. The factories introduced stickwater plants and other processes to increase the yield of meal from the available tonnage of raw fish.Although the industry has experienced difficult periods, it nevertheless seems, broadly viewed, that through the policy of restricting entry at the early stages of the new industry, it acquired sufficient resilience to cope not only with the ups but also the downs. It appears doubtful that "overcrowded" fishing and processing sectors would have had sufficient resilience to face fluctuating catches and fishmeal prices.


1996 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-54
Author(s):  
Robert A. Hall

In the 20 years before the Second World War the frontier war dragged to a close in remote parts of north Australia with the 1926 Daly River massacre and the 1928 Coniston massacre. There was a rapid decline in the Aboriginal population, giving rise to the idea of the ‘dying race’ which had found policy expression in the State ‘Protection’ Acts. Aboriginal and Islander labour was exploited under scandalous rates of pay and conditions in the struggling north Australian beef industry and the pearling industry. In south east Australia, Aborigines endured repressive white control on government reserves and mission stations described by some historians as being little better than prison farms. A largely ineffectual Aboriginal political movement with a myriad of organisations, none of which had a pan-Aboriginal identity, struggled to make headway against white prejudice. Finally, in 1939, John McEwen's ‘assimilation policy’ was introduced and, though doomed to failure, it at least recognised that Aborigines had a place in Australia in the long term.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document