Transformative Violence and Mobilization

Author(s):  
Erica Marat

Chapter 2 constructs a theoretical model on the pathways to police reform: that police reform takes place in the aftermath of police violence in urban areas in countries where civil society groups are able to take on a long-term and flexible approach in engaging with the government. The chapter demonstrates that incidents of tougher-than-usual means of policing against civilians—transformative violence—and popular resistance to government overreach lead to a mobilization of civil society against the ways ruling elites use the police to sustain public order. It then explains that civic actors’ motivations—from serving the community to achieving political goals—define their methods of persuading the Interior Ministry to implement change in the interest of the greater public.

2018 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 230
Author(s):  
Robist Hidayat

<p><em>Abstra</em><em>k</em><strong><em> -</em></strong> <strong>Kesehatan merupakan faktor penting  kehidupan, tak terkecuali  kaum urban di perkotaan besar di Indonesia, banyak permasalahan terjadi, prasarana idak memadai, kehidupan yang buruk menimbulkan masalah serius baik sekarang dan masa yang akan datang. Salah satu bagian kaum urban adalah pemuda, merupakan kaum di antara anak-anak dan juga dewasa. Sehingga di harapkan memiliki solusi untuk menghadapi permsaalahan tersebut.</strong><strong> </strong><strong>Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk melihat bagaiman peranan pemuda mengkaji permasalahan yang terjadi sehingga bisa mendapatkan solusi sederhana untuk mengatasi permasalahan kaum urban diperkotaan besar. Adapun metode yang digunakan penulis yakni metode deskriptif, mengkaji serta menganalisis literasi-literasi yang ada dan menyimpulkan menjadi sebuah solusi dari permasalahan yang penulis ungkapkan. Adapun hasil dari penelitian ini ,bahwa permasalahan kaum urban terletak pada tidak adanya program yang jelas serta terperinci secara baik, baik itu dari pemerintah daerah maupun pusat. Sehingga hal ini menjadi permasalahan bersama bukan salah satu pihak semata. Adapun yang bisa pemuda berikan solusi: yakni mencangkup program dan juga kebijakan, program yang di berikan yakni terdiri 3 tahap,</strong><strong> </strong><strong>yaitu: jangka pendek, menengah dan panjang. Adapun alasannya yaitu program tersebut di  terapkan sesuai dengan kebutuhan kaum urban serta kebijakan yang  merupakan wewenang dari pemerintah. Bisa disimpulkan, pemuda memiliki peranan penting dalam mengkaji ataupun memberikan solusi yang terbaik untuk kesehatan kaum urban.</strong></p><p><em>Abstract </em><strong>- Health is an important factor of life, including urban in large urban areas in Indonesia, many problems occur, infrastructure is inadequate, a bad life causes serious problems both now and in the future. One part of the urban community is youth, is a family among children and also adults. So that it is expected to have a solution to deal with these problems. This study aims to see how the role of youth examines the problems that occur so that they can get a simple solution to overcome urban problems in large cities. The method used by the author is descriptive method, reviewing and analyzing existing literacy and concluding to be a solution to the problems that the writer reveals. The results of this study, that the problem of urbanites lies in the absence of a clear and well-detailed program, both from the local and central government. So this matter becomes a common problem, </strong><strong>not</strong><strong> only one part. As for what the youth can provide a solution: namely covering the program and also the policy, the program provided is consisting of</strong><strong> </strong><strong>3 stages, namely: short, medium and long term. The reason is that the program is implemented in accordance with the needs of the urbanites and policies that are the authority of the government. It can be concluded, youth have an important role in assessing or providing the best solution for urban health.</strong></p><p><strong><em>Keywords</em></strong> – <em>Role of Youth, </em><em>Urban Community Health, Problems, Programs</em><em></em></p>


2017 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 155-166
Author(s):  
M.Daimul Abror ◽  
Heri Sunarno

AbstractThe voter turnout 3 last period (1999-2009) has decreased significantly. At 1999 92.6%choseen and 7.3% abstains, at 2004 84.1% choseen and 15.9% abstains, at 2009 70.9%choosen and 29.1% abstains. (www.merdeka.com). These conditions encourage KPURI toform Volunteer Democracy (VD) as an agent that helps the socialization of Election 2014.This study aims to comprehensively assess the role of VD as "Election Marketer" in PrincipalAgency Theory (PAT) perspective. This study uses qualitative research with case studyapproach. The results are (1) Relation between KPUD Pasuruan with VD is KPUDPasuruan (principal) provide delegates to VD (agent) (2). Contract model of VD in twoaspects, the type of contract that the contract model is short Term Contracts, and the type ofboth relationship are relation between government and civil society; (3) In carrying out itsrole as election marketer, VD fulfill four criteria in PAT perspective. The weakness of themodel contract of VD are Short Term Contracts must be solved by entering into a Long TermContracts to be interwoven communication simultaneously between the government in thiscase between KPUD Pasuruan with VD as the embodiment of Civil Societies participation isrepresented by five segments groups of voters.keywords: Volunteers Democracy, Election Marketer, ElectionAbstrakTingkat partisipasi pemilih 3 periode terakhir (1999–2009) mengalami penurunan sangatsignifikan, yakni Pemilu 1999 memilih 92,6% dan Golput 7,3%, Pemilu 2004 memilih 84,1%dan golput 15,9% Pemilu 2009 memilih 70,9% dan golput 29,1%. (www.merdeka.com).Kondisi tersebut mendorong KPURI untuk membentuk Relawan Demokrasi (RELASI)sebagai agen yang membantu sosialisasi Pemilu 2014. Penelitian ini bertujuan mengkajisecara komprehensif tentang peran RELASI sebagai “Election Marketer” dalam perpektifPrincipal Agency Theory (PAT). Penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatifdengan pendekatan studi kasus. Penelitian ini menghasilkan (1) Hubungan RELASI denganKPUD Kabupaten Pasuruan adalah KPUD Kabupaten Pasuruan (principal) memberikandelegasi kepada RELASI (agent) (2). Model kontrak RELASI teridentifikasi pada dua aspek,yakni dari jenis kontrak bahwa model kontrak RELASI bersifat short Term Contracts, danjenis hubungan KPUD Kabupaten Pasuruan dengan RELASI mendeskripsikan hubunganantara pemerintah dengan civil society; (3) Dalam menjalankan perannya sebagai electionmarketer, RELASI memenuhi empat persyaratan dalam perspektif PAT. Kelemahan modelkontrak RELASI yang masih bersifat Short Term Contracts harus segera dipecahkansolusinya dengan mengadakan kontrak yang bersifat Long Term Contracts agar dapatterjalin komunikasi yang simultan antara pihak pemerintah dalam hal ini KPUD KabupatenPasuruan dengan RELASI sebagai perwujudan dari Civil Societies participation yangterwakili oleh lima segmen kelompok pemilih.keywords: Relawan Demokrasi, Election Marketer, Pemilihan Umum


2021 ◽  
Vol 13 (10) ◽  
pp. 5361
Author(s):  
Hosang Hyun ◽  
Young-Min Lee ◽  
Hyung-Geun Kim ◽  
Jin-Sung Kim

The public housing demand in Seoul has been continuously increasing, but the available land for housing is insufficient. To meet the demand, the Seoul government is planning to develop small-scale housing in urban areas through various methods. Construction activities for increasing housing capacity cause negative environmental impacts, and this inevitably leads to an increase in the number of civil complaints. The complaints can be mitigated by using offsite construction (OSC) for fabricating components. However, OSC remains underdeveloped in Korea owing to concerns over high project costs. To promote OSC, the government must develop a long-term plan to secure demand for OSC. For such a plan, the number and feasibility of applicable sites in Seoul must be estimated. This study suggests a two-stage research framework: (1) estimate the number of applicable sites in Seoul using GIS and (2) conduct feasibility analyses of these sites through architectural planning. The estimated number of sites was equal to the expected supply of small-scale housing units in Seoul for 8 years, and the selected case sites were identified to be feasible. Therefore, the use of OSC for developing small-scale housing units in Seoul is reasonable. This research differs from previous studies in that the previous use of qualitative studies to promote modular construction was replaced with a quantitative analysis that included the entire Seoul area. Using the research framework, the Seoul government can develop a specific long-term plan based on the quantitative research analysis. Furthermore, manufacturers can develop plans based on the government plan and deliver returns on the higher initial costs. The contractors can reduce the higher project cost and doing so is expected to mitigate the negative perception and to promote modular construction in Korea.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Noy ◽  
Emily Lambie ◽  
Hayden Rickard ◽  
Sally Owen

This poster describes the initial steps and benefits in the creation of a GIS platform that will enable the hosting, sharing, and linking of spatial, geotechnical, structural, social, and economic datasets. This will enable interested parties to pursue multi-disciplinary research projects that aim to solve what are inherently complex and multi-faceted problems. A span of datasets will be linked to existing multi-storey buildings and integrated into an easy-to-use GIS platform that will have a range of purposes, including: (1) providing the best scientific knowledge spanning numerous disciplines to inform earthquake resilience research; (2) allowing different organisations, including local councils and iwis to make evidence based decisions regarding event-based planning and emergency management and (3) fostering engagement and sharing of data between separate research communities across different disciplines. Urban areas of Dunedin and Palmerston North are currently being used as repeatable case studies to test the feasibility and relationships required to enable the GIS platform’s capabilities. Researchers are being involved in a collaborative, multi-disciplinary, and flexible approach to ensure the GIS platform can benefit a wide array of groups and individuals. Building in flexibility to extend the GIS platform nationwide to construct a national, multi-disciplinary building database using consistent data standards is a primary, long-term goal for the project.


Author(s):  
Erica Marat

This chapter argues that incidents of transformative violence in the periphery fail to generate enough public revulsion to spark an open debate about how policing must change. Vulnerable individuals in the periphery lack the connections with civil society activists, mostly concentrated in urban areas, who would advocate for their rights. Many rural-based activists and NGOs call for a police overhaul in the aftermath of these episodes of transformative violence, but their voices are not as loud or as unified as those speaking about similar events in urban areas. The national leadership’s response to outbreaks of transformative violence in rural areas aims at closing the center’s governance gap where the public rebels against unpopular local authorities. As a result, the state moves to increase the political loyalty of the local police to the center under the pretense of police reform.


Subject Namibian land reform. Significance A national land conference between October 1-5 resolved that the government should expropriate foreign-owned agricultural land and also that foreigners should no longer be able to own land in urban areas except for business purposes. The conference also decided that the ‘willing buyer, willing seller’ principle should be abolished, while the issue of ancestral land would be reviewed with a view to allowing affected communities to pursue restitution. Impacts Threatened mine closures and increasing job losses will make land reform a key priority for the ruling SWAPO party ahead of the 2019 polls. Prominent civil society groups will maintain pressure on SWAPO over its land reform measures and criticise it for 'selling out'. Geingob and SWAPO's re-election in 2019 against a weak opposition is probable, but with potentially smaller margins of victory than 2014.


Author(s):  
Nathan W Pino

Abstract The country of Trinidad and Tobago presents an interesting case for analysing policing and police reform through the lens of transformative justice. Informed by a review of the relevant literature, including the author’s independent research, this article details how the Trinidad and Tobago Police Service faces numerous challenges even after multiple evaluations and efforts at reform. Local civil society groups have been largely left out of police reform processes in spite of their local knowledge and social capital. Police reforms rooted in transformative justice will be difficult to achieve and sustain given current conditions in the country, but it is possible if there is a long-term and serious commitment to reform, led by local actors that initiate local solutions democratically while ensuring the genuine involvement of civil society groups, women, and other traditionally marginalized groups.


Author(s):  
Andriy Boyko

The article discusses the Turkish-Syrian relations during the period of 2003-2014 gg. The history of relations between the two countries has a deep and complicated history, in this article considers the newest part of it. At the turn of the millennium there has been considerable progress and the development of bilateral relations, which have been caused by the coincidence of interests of the ruling elites associated with a desire to stabilize the situation in the Middle East region. After the beginning of civil war in Syria, a progressive deterioration in relations between the two countries began. The reason for this was the position of Ankara, which had supported demands of the Syrian opposition and opposed to the regime of President B. Assad. The events of the “Arab Spring” in the territory of the Syrian Arab Republic gave Turkey an opportunity to 57 demonstrate the potential of a regional leader, especially in the eyes of Western countries and the EU. Deteriorating situation in Syria, with time, became a threat to national security of the Turkish Republic, which was developed, for example, in the issue of refugees, terrorism and exacerbation of “the Kurdish problem.” Till certain moment the government policy of Recep Erdoğan against Syria was bringing some dividends, for instance, the growth of the influence and authority of Turkey, both in the region and in the international arena. However, in the long term Ankara has failed to independently resolve the Syrian crisis.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-8
Author(s):  
Ruby Y. S. Lai

The #MeToo movement in Hong Kong emerged in late 2017, subsequently converged with the Anti-Extradition Law protest in 2019, and evolved into the #ProtestToo campaign against police violence and sexual assult. This essay traces the development of the #MeToo movement and analyzes the collaboration among the government, civil society, and the media in fostering the movement to combat sexual violence. It argues that whether the collaborative model succeeds or fails depends upon sociocultural and political circumstances: the failure of existing measures in preventing, investigating, and prosecuting the alleged sexual assaults inflicted on protesters in 2019 reveals how a shift to authoritarian governance may cripple the established anti–sexual violence collaboration.


Author(s):  
Erica Marat

Police reform in Ukraine began following the deaths of roughly 100 civilians in central Kyiv during the Euromaidan protests in 2013–2014. The interruption of the existing state-society relationship motivated civil society activists to increase their engagement with the government on future reform programs, either through existing formal channels of communication or by finding new venues to access top officials. Ukraine’s case, however, also demonstrates that a strong push for police reform can be obstructed by lingering autocratic tendencies. Changes in the Interior Ministry were not achieved as the result of public demands but rather as a result of a perceived understanding of the public’s needs and the new police’s political role in post-Euromaidan Ukraine. The urgency of reform overshadowed the need for openness and accountability.


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