What the Protectors Protect

2020 ◽  
pp. 23-47
Author(s):  
Crime Coverage

Although a suspect’s name and other identifying details are part of the public record or supplied to reporters by police, news media in the Netherlands, Sweden, and Germany routinely protect suspects and even convicted criminals from public exposure. We group these countries in a Protector model. Journalists said they weigh their obligation to inform the public against (1) protecting the defendants’ families—especially if they have children; (2) respecting the right to the presumption of innocence; and (3) avoiding dissemination of information that could damage the defendant’s reputation and/or chance for reintegration. Protector countries share a faith that many criminals can successfully reintegrate into society. Journalists are most likely to protect the private person accused of a crime in the private sector and least likely to protect a public figure or official accused of a public crime.

PCD Journal ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
Arum Sekar Cendani ◽  
Pulung Setiosuci Perbawani

Indonesian society is familiar with the terms 'public figures' and 'celebrities', but the distinction is often not understood properly. The public's interest in content that focuses on entertainment, lifestyles, and gossip, as well as the presence of a media that facilitates such content, makes the process of 'celebrating' common. This process has resulted in the private space of public figures being transformed into objects of public consumption.Scandals are often quite popularly discussed among the public, especially when their subject is a public figure. However, studies of how scandals affect the public and its political behaviour have not been widely documented. In 2018, Indonesian news media began widely covering the divorce of well-known politician Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (BTP/Ahok) from his ex-wife Veronica Tan, and this brought questions of extramarital affairs to the surface in the midst of a heated local election atmosphere. This situation was divisive, and received various public responses. Previous studies have shown that scandals tend to negatively affect popular attitudes towards the politicians involved in them. In Indonesia, scandals have been common, widely recognised by the public, but their effects are never discussed in depth. Therefore, this study, which involved around 400 respondents, seeks to provide an overview of how the Indonesian public responds to politicians involved in scandals and how such scandals affect politicians' electability. The results of this study show that scandals do affect the public's political attitude, but not in the ways suggested by existing studies.


2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (77) ◽  
pp. 26
Author(s):  
Edgars Golts

There is a link between a presumption of innocence and the right to a fair trial. The rights of a legal person, to be regarded as innocent, protection is ensured by the guarantees in law. The Court of Justice has recognized that the right to the presumption of innocence, the legal persons does not apply in the same way as natural persons. The Constitution reinforces the presumption of innocence is to be subject to the right to a fair trial arising from the principle of justice. The Constitution stipulates that the rights of the person may be limited to the benefit of the public, but not the right to the presumption of innocence. In the article the author expresses the conviction, nowadays, the development of such rights, – the environment, animal, unborn children, deceased persons and other types of law; it is obvious that, on the basis of an equity principle, human rights are extended translated and applied. Justice fully embraces the principles of equality law, which allows concluding on the physical and legal persons to equality before the law and the courts.


Author(s):  
Thuy Cam Huynh

The declining trend in print advertising revenue over the past decade has become more serious since Covid-19 pandemic in 2020. The quick spreading of Corona virus over the world has resulted in further decrease in this area's revenue by 30% to 50%. How can the so-called ``fourth power'' be able to recover after the epidemic crisis? How can press & news media maintain operations and sustainably develop in order to serve the public and the society, especially in the context of rapid explosion of social networks and multi-interaction channels which challenge mainstream journalism? Being faced with this situation, the article proposes a number of creative solutions for the production of innovative media content including surveying, doing research on readers' preferences to identify "golden'' readers segment; filtering and selecting unique, attractive and attention-catching content; taking advantage of "social networks" to deliver rich-information content to reach readers instantly, to choose the right form and the right time to publish information. The author hopes that this article can contribute a small part to press and news media to preserve trust from and connection with readers; thereby, meeting their increasingly diverse needs in the current Industrial Revolution 4.0.


2015 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 61-83
Author(s):  
Mireille Van Eechoud

The EU Directive on Re-use of Public Sector Information of 2013 (the PSI Directive) is a key instrument for open data policies at all levels of government in Member States. It sets out a general framework for the conditions governing the right to re-use information resources held by public sector bodies. It includes provisions on non-discrimination, transparent licensing and the like. However, what the PSI Directive does not do is give businesses, civil society or citizens an actual claim to access. Access is of course a prerequisite to (re)use. It is largely a matter for individual Member States to regulate what information is in the public record. This article explores what the options for the EC are to promote alignment of rights to information and re-use policy. It also flags a number of important data protection problems that have not been given serious enough consideration, but have the potential to paralyze open data policies. 


2020 ◽  
Vol 65 (2) ◽  
pp. 21-39
Author(s):  
Ştefana Ciortea-Neamţiu

"Fake news are a big concern for media, audiences and governments. Some journalists are engaged in finding fake news and disclose them. Fake news is also a concern to the researchers and journalism professors, but they should not focus only on the way fake news work, or how to teach future journalists about them, a big challenge would be to teach the audiences, the public to make the right choices and identify fake news. Tackling this problem of the popularization of science and teaching the public should actually be one of the key-concerns of the journalism professors today in Romania. It is the purpose of this paper to propose a list of criteria to identify fake news, by using critical thinking, a list that could be easily explained to people from the public, so they can make good choices. The core notion used hereby will be quality. A large discussion on quality in journalism raised at the end of the 1990s in Western Europe, not so in Romania. Therefore, it seems more than appropriate to start it now. Keywords: fake news, media, critical thinking, education, public, criteria. "


Author(s):  
Gregor Gall

For four reasons, it is important to examine the person, personal life and personal interests of Crow. First, the personal was very political with him. He made it this way so it was not entirely a product of media manufacture. That is to say, the way he lived his life often epitomized what he was about and what he stood for. Second, the media did use aspects of his personal life to attack him with in order to undermine him. As became well known, he was defiant and unapologetic in response. Third, it is important to have some idea of the private person behind the public figure given that his personality was such an important part of what made him up. Fourth and related to this, his ability to get on and work with people in order to exert influence in the RMT, the wider union movement and the radical left was very much helped by his personality. Consequently, this chapter examines his personal traits (self-confidence, humour, temperament, workaholic) as well as his interests and lifestyle (holidays, housing, hobbies).


2020 ◽  
pp. 63-84
Author(s):  
Crime Coverage

The makeup of the press councils in Germany, Sweden, and the Netherlands, and their accountability systems, are described. News organizations in Protector countries earn trust, at least in part, by acknowledging that the public has the right to a voice in how news is produced and presented. The nature and effects of story frames are discussed. The coverage of the years-long trial in Germany of the National Socialist Underground (NSU) members accused of killing immigrants is explored for what it says about immigration and mainstream media’s handling of it. This chapter considers how globalization and immigration threaten both the posture of criminal justice systems and the protective press practices that reflect and reinforce those policies. Using the works of Emmanuel Levinas and James Carey, this chapter explores the ethical grounds for policy in these countries and consider the comparative work about prisons and attitudes toward crime by Michael Tondry and his colleagues.


1998 ◽  
Vol 28 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-75 ◽  
Author(s):  
Cheryl A. Koski

One method of assessing the opinions that physicians hold about science writers is to examine the public record, represented by two periodicals: the Journal of the American Medical Association and the New England Journal of Medicine. The citations to the news media that appear in the indexes of the two journals during the last fifteen years yield thirty-four opinion pieces, consisting of editorials and letters to the editor. The timing and content of medical news are of particular concern to physicians. Specifically, they watch for violations of the Ingelfinger Rule and the press embargo system—policies designed to ensure that physicians have access to medical information before it becomes widely disseminated to the general public—as well as errors of medical fact.


2021 ◽  
Vol 64 (4 (248)) ◽  
pp. 55-72
Author(s):  
Bartłomiej Łódzki

Activity of Polish Foreign Correspondents on Twitter Social media have been transforming the realm of journalism, audiences, as well as news consumption. Twitter, which is one of the top three social networking sites in the world (Broersma, Graham 2013; Neuberger et al. 2019; Nordheim et al. 2018; Swert, Wouters 2011) has become one of the main social networking tools used by the news media industry, too. There is little research on how foreign correspondents use Twitter as a reporting tool. This research aims to investigate how foreign correspondents of the largest Polish radio and TV stations use Twitter. The analysis focuses on the correspondents in the Washington and Brussels sites. The research period covered 2016–2019, when the new management of the public media decided to replace most of the correspondents. The author looks for similarities and differences between journalists from public and commercial media. He tries to find out whether their activities on Twitter are used to transmit messages, promote their work, build the image of the editorial office, or communicate with recipients. The analysis of over 20,000 tweets confirms the influence of political changes on the work and activity of journalists in the public sphere. Most public media correspondents reported in line with the ruling party’s agenda focused on domestic affairs and used Twitter for self-promotion. Commercial media representatives mainly covered international topics, using a wider range of sources in their tweets. Significant differences were related to the way of interacting with the audience. The majority of shares on Twitter and the most intense discussions concerned the content of public media correspondents. The highest rates were achieved by tweets that focused on the actions of the leading politicians of the right-wing parties, national issues, and criticism of the actions of European bodies. The disputes and discussions on Twitter between the correspondents and the public as well as among the correspondents themselves show the crisis in public space, lack of trust, and difficulty to change this state in a short time. STRESZCZENIE Artykuł analizuje, w jaki sposób wykorzystują Twittera korespondenci zagraniczni największych polskich stacji radiowych i telewizyjnych na przykładzie placówek w Waszyngtonie i Brukseli. Okres badawczy obejmuje lata 2016–2019, kiedy nowe kierownictwo mediów publicznych w Polsce podjęło decyzję o wymianie większości korespondentów. Celem analizy jest identyfikacja podobieństw i różnic między relacjami dziennikarzy mediów publicznych i komercyjnych, jak również ustalenie, czy aktywność podejmowana na Twitterze służy do przekazywania wiadomości, promowania własnej pracy, budowania wizerunku redakcji czy też komunikowania się z odbiorcami. Wyniki analizy, która objęła ponad 20 tys. tweetów, potwierdzają wpływ zmian politycznych na pracę i aktywność dziennikarzy w sferze publicznej. Większość polskich korespondentów mediów publicznych relacjonowała wydarzenia zgodnie z linią programową partii rządzącej, koncentrowała się na sprawach krajowych i wykorzystywała Twittera do autopromocji. Dziennikarze mediów komercyjnych relacjonowali natomiast głównie tematykę międzynarodową, korzystając z szerszego spektrum źródeł w tweetach. Istotne różnice widoczne były także w sposobie interakcji z publicznością. Najwięcej udostępnień na Twitterze i najintensywniejsze dyskusje dotyczyły treści korespondentów mediów publicznych. Najwięcej uwagi uzyskały tweety na temat działań głównych polityków partii prawicowych, kwestii krajowych i krytyki działań organów europejskich. Wyniki badań dowodzą istnienia głębokiego kryzysu debaty publicznej, braku wzajemnego zaufania i możliwości zmiany tego stanu rzeczy w bliskiej perspektywie.


2019 ◽  
Vol 78 (1) ◽  
pp. 70-99
Author(s):  
Kirsty Hughes

AbstractThis article argues that the public figure doctrine is doctrinally problematic and conceptually and normatively flawed. Doctrinal uncertainty surrounds who is affected and how rights are affected. Conceptually it raises challenges for universality, the non-hierarchical relationship between Articles 8 and 10 ECHR, the process of resolving rights conflicts, and the relationship between domestic law and the Convention. All of which necessitate a strong normative justification for the distinction. Yet there is no compelling rationale. The values underpinning the right to privacy of public figures are no different from those of other persons and there are other better mechanisms of accounting for freedom of expression. We should therefore reject the idea that public figures have fewer or weaker privacy rights or that the process of dealing with their rights is different and instead focus squarely upon the relative importance of the rights, and the degree of intrusion into those rights.


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