Political Arrogance and National Belonging

2020 ◽  
pp. 235-268
Author(s):  
Luis Cabrera

This chapter considers arrogance claims lodged by members of the UK Independence Party, against the backdrop of Britain’s “Brexit” referendum to leave the European Union (EU). Many UKIP respondents see EU institutions as inappropriately treating national communities as not authorized to set policy in line with their own distinctive national priorities. And, they argue that EU free movement rules inappropriately impose a more cosmopolitan vision of membership on national communities—especially when prospective members such as Turkey are a “poor fit” with the British nation. Some Turkish respondents challenge such poor fit claims. Further challenges are raised to democratic theory arguments that give strong emphasis to national belonging. Overall, it is shown, claims for the moral and empirical distinctiveness of nations are difficult to sustain, and thus so are nationalist objections to democracy beyond the nation-state.

EU Law ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 725-782
Author(s):  
Paul Craig ◽  
Gráinne de Búrca

All books in this flagship series contain carefully selected substantial extracts from key cases, legislation, and academic debate, providing students with a stand-alone resource. This chapter considers Articles 34-37 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Article 34 is the central provision and states that: ‘quantitative restrictions on imports and all measures having equivalent effect shall be prohibited between Member States’. Article 35 contains similar provisions relating to exports, while Article 36 provides an exception for certain cases in which a state is allowed to place restrictions on the movement of goods. The European Court of Justice’s interpretation of Articles 34-37 has been important in achieving single market integration. It has given a broad interpretation to the phrase ‘measures having equivalent effect’ to a quantitative restriction (MEQR), and has construed the idea of discrimination broadly to capture both direct and indirect discrimination. The UK version contains a further section analysing issues concerning free movement of goods between the EU and the UK post-Brexit.


2020 ◽  
pp. 229-242
Author(s):  
Grzegorz Balawajder

The subject of the paper is reflections on the consequences of Brexit for the functioning of the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland. The author explains what this border means when the United Kingdom is no longer a member of the European Union, and thus the border may be a barrier to the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. At the same time, it is stressed that the exit of the United Kingdom from the European Union will have a significant impact on the change of the function of this border, which from then on is no longer an internal border of the Union. The aim of the paper is therefore to analyse the consequences of this change, with a simultaneous indication of different models of the UK’s functioning with relation to the European Union and their impact on the British-Irish relations, especially with regard to the various dimensions of the border as a barrier. The article presents various scenarios of solutions that will determine their mutual relations as a result of negotiations between the European Union and Great Britain, especially with regard to access to the single European market, which in turn will be influenced by the border between Ireland and Northern Ireland in the scope of the free movement of people, goods, capital and services. The author used the system analysis method and the comparative method. The author puts forward the thesis that if the negotiations cause a fairly strong loosening of relations between the UK and the European Union, to mitigate the consequences of such a situation for the Irish-British relations, it will be necessary to find and develop bilateral solutions that will facilitate border crossing. The Smart Border 2.0 concept can constitute such a solution.


2005 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-183 ◽  
Author(s):  
Sue Grundy ◽  
Lynn Jamieson

The continued expansion and deepening of the European Union state raises important questions about whether there will be a corresponding development of pro-supranational feeling towards Europe. This paper is based on data drawn from a European Commission (EC) funded project on the ‘Orientations of Young Men and Women to Citizenship and European Identity’. The project includes comparative surveys of ‘representative samples’ of young men and women aged 18-24 and samples of this age group on educational routes that potentially orient them to Europe beyond their national boundaries. This comparison of samples is made in paired sites with contrasting cultural and socio-political histories in terms of European affiliations and support for the European Union. The sites are: Vienna and Vorarlberg in Austria; Chemnitz and Bielefeld in East and West Germany; Madrid and Bilbao in Spain; Prague and Bratislava, the capitals of the Czech and Slovak Republics; Manchester, England and Edinburgh, Scotland in the UK. This paper examines patterns of local, national and supranational identity in the British samples in comparison to the other European sites. The typical respondent from Edinburgh and Manchester have very different orientations to their nation-state but they share a lack of European identity and disinterest in European issues that was matched only by residents of Bilbao. International comparision further demonstrates that a general correlation between levels of identification with nation-state and Europe masks a range of orientations to nation, state and Europe nurtured by a variety of geo-political contexts.


2021 ◽  
Vol 58 (2) ◽  
pp. 168-183
Author(s):  
Willem Maas

Although traumatic, the ongoing Brexit process does not fundamentally alter either the legal status of European citizenship or the debates about it within the European Union (EU). Citizenship and free movement are so fundamental to the European project that even the new status of an important state like the UK does not change the political dynamics surrounding them.


2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 498-512 ◽  
Author(s):  
Arantza Gomez Arana ◽  
Jay Rowe ◽  
Alex de Ruyter ◽  
Rebecca Semmens-Wheeler ◽  
Kimberley Hill

This article explores the UK vote in 2016 to exit the European Union, colloquially known as ‘Brexit’. Brexit has been portrayed as a British backlash against globalisation and a desire for a reassertion of sovereignty by the UK as a nation-state. In this context, a vote to leave the European Union has been regarded by its protagonists as a vote to ‘take back control’ to ‘make our own laws’ and ‘let in [only] who we want’. We take a particular interest in the stance of key ‘Brexiteers’ in the UK towards regulation, with the example of the labour market. The article commences by assessing the notion of Brexit as a means to secure further market liberalisation. This analysis is then followed by an account of migration as a key issue, the withdrawal process and likely future trajectory of Brexit. We argue that in contrast to the expectations of those who voted Leave in 2016, the UK as a mid-sized open economy will be a rule-taker and will either remain in the European regulatory orbit, or otherwise drift into the American one. JEL Codes: F2, F53, F55, F66, K33


Competitio ◽  
2005 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 7-12 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexandre Lamfalussy

It is a mild understatement that nowadays the EU is navigating in rough waters. Close to half of the member countries of the Euro area are in breach of their fiscal stability commitment – and some of them very substantially. Quite a few heads of government publicly criticise the ECB’s monetary policy. Germany and France are determined to water down the Bolkenstein directive on the implementation of a genuine single market for services (which amount to about two-thirds of the EU’s GDP), to which, incidentally, no major objections had been raised by the governments of the member states during the drafting stage. There is no agreement on the longer term EU budget. Only Ireland, the UK and Sweden accept the free movement of the residents of the ten countries which became members of the EU in May last year.


2019 ◽  
Vol 248 ◽  
pp. R17-R27
Author(s):  
Anne Green

In an era of free movement UK employers have had ready access to a supply of labour from the European Union to fill low-skilled jobs. This has enabled them to adopt business models, operating within broader supply chains, that take advantage of this source of labour and the flexibility that many migrant workers – especially those who are new arrivals to the UK – are prepared to offer them. Drawing mainly on evidence from employers on the role of migrant workers in selected sectors with a substantial proportion of low-skilled jobs, this article explores the challenges and opportunities they face in transitioning to a new post-Brexit immigration regime.


2016 ◽  
Vol 236 ◽  
pp. 23-30 ◽  
Author(s):  
Catherine Barnard ◽  
Amy Ludlow

For many people the key question in the referendum is whether a vote to leave will enable the UK to take back control of its borders. So for them the focus is primarily on Article 45 on the Treaty of the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU) which allows free movement of workers. But for individuals much movement to other EU Member States is covered by Article 56 TFEU on the free movement of services. This article will argue that empirical research shows that there is in fact an interesting link between temporary migration under Article 56 TFEU and ultimately permanent migration under Article 45 TFEU. Brexit has the potential profoundly to affect both.


EU Law ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 699-755
Author(s):  
Paul Craig ◽  
Gráinne de Búrca

All books in this flagship series contain carefully selected substantial extracts from key cases, legislation, and academic debate, providing students with a stand-alone resource. This chapter considers Articles 34-37 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Article 34 is the central provision and states that: ‘quantitative restrictions on imports and all measures having equivalent effect shall be prohibited between Member States’. Article 35 contains similar provisions relating to exports, while Article 36 provides an exception for certain cases in which a state is allowed to place restrictions on the movement of goods. The European Court of Justice’s interpretation of Articles 34-37 has been important in achieving single market integration. It has given a broad interpretation to the phrase ‘measures having equivalent effect’ to a quantitative restriction (MEQR), and has construed the idea of discrimination broadly to capture both direct and indirect discrimination. The UK version contains a further section analysing issues concerning free movement of goods between the EU and the UK post-Brexit.


2020 ◽  
pp. 352-383
Author(s):  
Sylvia de Mars

This chapter traces how the free movement of persons developed, culminating into a constitutional identity for EU nationals that extends rights to economically inactive free movers as well. EU citizenship was formally established in 1992, and can be used as a marker to separate two distinct eras of the Court of Justice of the European Union (CJEU) case law on free movement of persons. The chapter then considers the personal and material scope of EU citizenship, and looks at CJEU case law on the free movement of EU citizens between 1992 and 2004. It also assesses the impact of the Citizenship Directive in 2004, as well as the impact of Brexit on EU citizenship. The controversy surrounding the development of ‘citizenship rights’ is of particular interest given the Brexit referendum; limitless immigration from the EU was found to be one of the primary reasons why the UK voted to leave the EU.


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