We're Still Here

Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Silva

The economy has been brutal to American workers. The chance to provide a better life for one’s children—the promise at the heart of the American Dream—is slipping away. In the face of soaring economic inequality and mounting despair, we might expect struggling Americans to rise up together and demand their fair share of opportunity. And yet, the groups who stand to gain the most from collective mobilization appear the least motivated to act in their own self-interest. This book examines why disadvantaged people disable themselves politically. Drawing on in-depth interviews with over one hundred black, white, and Puerto Rican residents in a declining coal town in Pennsylvania, We’re Still Here demonstrates that many working-class people are fiercely critical of growing inequality and of the politicians who have failed to protect them from poverty, exploitation, and social exclusion. However, the institutions that historically mediated between personal suffering and collective political struggle have not only become weak, but have become sites of betrayal. In response, working-class people turn inward, cultivating individualized strategies for triumphing over pain. Convinced that democratic processes are rigged in favor of the wealthy, they search for meaning in internet conspiracy theories or the self-help industry—solitary strategies that turn them inward, or turn them against each other. But as visions of a broken America unite people across gender, race, and age, they also give voice to upended hierarchies, creative re-imaginings of economic justice, and yearnings to be part of a collective whole.

2019 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Silva

The introduction examines why disadvantaged groups are the least likely to participate in American civic and political life. This chapter moves away from the idea that working-class people act against their own self-interest. Instead, it is based on the premise that if we want to understand how their self-interest works, we must begin with how people imagine the self. Drawing on the life histories of Bree, a Trump-supporting waitress who lives in chronic pain, and her boyfriend Eric, a black man who was just released from prison and who revels in conspiracy theories, this chapter reveals the ways working-class people create imaginative bridges between personal suffering, distrust, and disengagement. It demonstrates how individual pain management has become a necessity in an era where family and community ties are fragile, trust is nonexistent, social safety nets are limited, and opportunities for mobility are scarce.


Leadership ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 174271502199649
Author(s):  
Dag Jansson ◽  
Erik Døving ◽  
Beate Elstad

The notion of leadership competencies is a much-debated issue. In this article, we propose that how the leader makes sense of his or her competencies is key to leadership practice. Specifically, we look at how leaders reconcile discrepancies between the self-perceived proficiency of various competencies and their corresponding importance. Empirically, we study leaders within the music domain – how choral conductors make sense of their competencies in the shaping of their professional practice. We investigated how choral leaders in Scandinavia ( N = 638) made sense of their competencies in the face of demands in their working situations. A mixed methodology was used, comprising a quantitative survey with qualitative comments and in-depth interviews with a selection of the respondents. The results show that when choral leaders shape their practice, they frequently face competency gaps that compel them to act or adjust their identity. The key to this sensemaking process is how they move competency elements they master to the foreground and wanting elements to the background. The concept of ‘sensemaking affordance’ is introduced to account for how various leader competency categories are negotiated to safeguard overall efficacy.


2021 ◽  
pp. 089124162110216
Author(s):  
Firuzeh Shokooh Valle

Issues of power, inequality, and representation in the production of knowledge have a long history in transnational feminist research. And yet the unequal relationship between ethnographers and participants continues to haunt feminist research. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork with the cooperative Sulá Batsú in Costa Rica between 2015 and 2019, in this essay I argue that centering solidarity and working through discomfort creates relationships that can reinvent and endure the persistent imbalance of power between researcher and participant. I conceptualize a solidarity-based methodology that is uncomfortable, tossing between "us and them," the objective and the subjective, akin to Gloria Anzaldúa’s “nepantla,” a liminal space of both fragmentation and unification, of both anguish and healing: a methodology from the cracks. In this essay, I reflect upon my experiences as a Puerto Rican feminist researcher focusing on Sulá Batsú, specifically on my relationship with the coop’s general coordinator. I conducted ethnographic fieldwork with the coop, including participant observation, in-depth interviews, and textual analysis of their research, briefs, blog posts, presentations, and promotional literature.


1971 ◽  
Vol 41 (5) ◽  
pp. 809-821 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alexander Thomas ◽  
Margaret E. Hertzig ◽  
Irving Dryman ◽  
Paulina Fernandez

PEDIATRICS ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 32 (4) ◽  
pp. 540-548
Author(s):  
Howard Setleis ◽  
Benjamin Kramer ◽  
Marta Valcarcel ◽  
Arnold H. Einhorn

Five children are described who have a previously undescribed collection of defects. The children are all of Puerto Rican ancestry. The features of their defects are: (1) an aged, leonine appearance; (2) absent eyelashes from either lid, or multiple rows of lashes on the upper lids with absence of those of the lower lids; (3) eyebrows which slant sharply upward and laterally; (4) scarlike defects on each temple erroneously attributed at first, to obstetrical forceps injury; (5) skin which is puckered around the eyes, as in an elderly person; (6) a scarlike median ridge of the chin; and (7) a nose and chin which seem rubbery when palpated. The temporal defects and abnormalities of the eyelashes are thought to be due to the multiple effects of a single gene. We suggest that this combination of cutaneous lesions limited to the face is probably the expression of an autosomal reccessive inheritance.


2017 ◽  
Vol 12 (2) ◽  
pp. 289-313
Author(s):  
Claire Farago

Abstract Five interrelated case studies from the sixteenth to the twentieth centuries develop the dynamic contrast between portraiture and pictorial genres newly invented in and about Latin America that do not represent their subjects as individuals despite the descriptive focus on the particular. From Jean de Léry’s genre-defining proto-ethnographic text (1578) about the Tupinamba of Brazil to the treatment of the Creole upper class in New Spain as persons whose individuality deserves to be memorialized in contrast to the Mestizaje, African, and Indian underclass objectified as types deserving of scientific study, hierarchical distinctions between portraiture and ethnographic images can be framed in historical terms around the Aristotelian categories of the universal, the individual, and the particular. There are also some intriguing examples that destabilize these inherited distinctions, such as Puerto Rican artist José Campeche’s disturbing and poignant image of a deformed child, Juan Pantaléon Aviles, 1808; and an imaginary portrait of Moctezuma II, c. 1697, based on an ethnographic image, attributed to the leading Mexican painter Antonio Rodriguez. These anomalies serve to focus the study on the hegemonic position accorded to the viewing subject as actually precarious and unstable, always ripe for reinterpretation at the receiving end of European culture.


2021 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 78-92
Author(s):  
José Edilson Amorim

ResumoA partir de uma crônica de Bráulio Tavares, este artigo reflete sobre cenas da precariedade de ontem e de hoje. A primeira cena está em Lima Barreto, em Recordações do escrivão Isaías Caminha, ao referir a Revolta da Vacina no Rio de Janeiro do século XX, comparada às manifestações de 2013 e 2014 no país; a segunda é a espetacularização da mídia sobre as manifestações de rua em 2013 e 2014, e sobre o processo de impedimento do mandato presidencial de Dilma Rousseff em 2015; a terceira é uma cena da vida cotidiana de uma moça de Brasília em outubro de 2014. As três situações revelam o mundo da classe trabalhadora e seu desamparo em meio ao espetáculo midiático.Palavras-chave: Trabalho. Mídia. Política. Espetáculo. AbstractFrom a chronicle by Bráulio Tavares, this paper reflects about scenes of the precariousness of yesterday and today. The first scene is in Lima Barreto’s novel Recordações do escrivão Isaías Caminha (Memories of the scrivener Isaías Caminha), when referring to the Vaccine Revolt in the Rio de Janeiro of the 20th century, compared to the manifestations of 2013 and 2014 in Brazil; the second is about the media spectacularization of the street manifestations between 2013 e 2014 in Brazil, and also on Dilma Rousseff's impeachment process in 2015; the third one is from the everyday life of a girl from Brasília in October of 2014. All those three situations reveal the world of the working class and its helplessness in the face of the media spectacularization.Keywords: Work. Media. Politics. Spectacle.


Author(s):  
Hassina Bashir ◽  
Muhammad Ayub Jan

This paper addresses the critical aspects of women’s political leadership in Pashtun society. The primary questions under investigation are; whether Nasim Wali Khan acquired political leadership skills and if she did, how she utilized these skills to accomplish her political objectives? We intend to see how familial political apprenticeship as well as career progression, enabled Nasim Wali to attain and retain leadership positions successfully? We do so mostly with the help of analyzing primary data collected through in-depth interviews of Nasim Wali Khan, her family members, political workers, journalists, and academicians to comprehend to support our argument. This study highlights the qualities bestowed with and acquired by Nasim Wali Khan to attain a leadership position within a political party. The study argues that by developing her political skills, such as political acumen, eloquence, political   astuteness, efficient   decision   making, confidence, and social astuteness, etc., Nasim Wali auspiciously engraved a political constituency in an otherwise patriarchal Pukhtun population. In such a way the paper explains the critical odyssey of Nasim Wali Khan in the uncertain sphere of politics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 213-225
Author(s):  
Min Ryu ◽  
Haeyun Shin ◽  
Miseon Bang ◽  
Suhye Kwon

Purpose: The purpose of the study was to understand and describe the experiences of urinary incontinence in older women in urban areas.Methods: Data were collected through individual in-depth interviews of 8 older women with urinary incontinence in urban areas from September 2020 to March 2021. The transcribed data were analyzed using Colaizzi's phenomenological six-step method.Results: Four theme clusters emerged: Urinary incontinence as an uninvited visitor in old age; The heavy daily pain urinary incontinence causes; Self-help efforts to cope with urinary incontinence; and A mind to hold on to the present condition so as not to deteriorate.Conclusion: This study provided an in-depth understanding of older women’s experiences with urinary incontinence in urban areas. Based on the results of this study, efforts should be made to develop and provide emotional and psychological support and prevention education programs that can adequately support older women with urinary incontinence in urban areas.


1990 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 384-400 ◽  
Author(s):  
JUDITH D. AUERBACH

The recent “mommy track” debate raises questions about how employers ought best to accommodate women's (and men's) dual commitments to work and family. The “mommy track” approach suggests instituting different career paths for women who expect to have children and those who do not. A less discriminatory approach is to implement family-supportive policies applicable to both women and men. This article examines one such policy — employer-supported child care—and discusses its nature and its implications for improving labor force opportunities for women. Primary data come from two sources: a survey of 99 randomly selected employers in three Eastern states and in-depth interviews with 25 employers across the country, 20 that already support a child-care benefit and five that considered it but decided not to. The article concludes that although employers support child care out of their own organizational self-interest, the implication of their support for women's occupational advancement is not insignificant.


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