Earned Citizenship

Author(s):  
Michael J. Sullivan

Earned Citizenship is an intervention in the U.S. immigration reform debate that advances the proposition that long-term, unauthorized immigrant U.S. residents should be able to earn legalization and a pathway to citizenship through service to citizens in their adopted U.S. communities as restitution for immigration law violations. Earned Citizenship first applies the principle of civic membership as reciprocity to support the argument that military service by unauthorized immigrants in particular merits naturalization in the United States, given its strong citizen-soldier tradition. The book contends that noncitizens who serve in the military during a period of declared hostilities should be immune from deportation for the rest of their lives. After drawing from the military aspect of the civic republican tradition, the second part of the book considers the civic value of caregiving as a service to citizens and the nation, which merits a pathway to citizenship for unauthorized immigrants. Family immigration policies should be expanded to recognize the importance of caregiving duties performed by family members and fictive kin for dependents. This argument is part of a broader project aimed at reconciling the civic republicanism of the first part of the book with a feminist ethic of care and its emphasis on dependency work. As a whole, this book provides a nonhumanitarian justification for legalizing unauthorized immigrants based on their contributions to citizens and institutions in their adopted nation.

2020 ◽  
pp. 088626052097031
Author(s):  
Cary Leonard Klemmer ◽  
Ashley C. Schuyler ◽  
Mary Rose Mamey ◽  
Sheree M. Schrager ◽  
Carl Andrew Castro ◽  
...  

Prior research among military personnel has indicated that sexual harassment, stalking, and sexual assault during military service are related to negative health sequelae. However, research specific to LGBT U.S. service members is limited. The current study aimed to explore the health, service utilization, and service-related impact of stalking and sexual victimization experiences in a sample of active-duty LGBT U.S. service members ( N = 248). Respondent-driven sampling was used to recruit study participants. U.S. service members were eligible to participate if they were 18 years or older and active-duty members of the U.S. Army, U.S. Navy, U.S. Marine Corps, or U.S. Air Force. This study included a sizeable portion of transgender service members ( N = 58, 23.4%). Sociodemographic characteristics, characteristics of military service, health, and sexual and stalking victimization in the military were assessed. Regression was used to examine relationships between health and service outcomes and sexual and stalking victimization during military service. Final adjusted models showed that experiencing multiple forms of victimization in the military increased the odds of visiting a mental health clinician and having elevated somatic symptoms, posttraumatic stress disorder symptomatology, anxiety, and suicidality. Sexual and stalking victimization during U.S. military service was statistically significantly related to the mental and physical health of LGBT U.S. service members. Interventions to reduce victimization experiences and support LGBT U.S. service members who experience these types of violence are indicated. Research that examines the role of LGBT individuals’ experiences and organizational and peer factors, including social support, leadership characteristics, and institutional policies in the United States military is needed.


2018 ◽  
Vol 45 (4) ◽  
pp. 637-658 ◽  
Author(s):  
Matthew R. Miles ◽  
Donald P. Haider-Markel

Existing literature connects military service to regional characteristics and family traditions, creating real distinctions between those who serve and those who do not. We engage this discussion by examining military service as a function of personality. In the second portion, we examine military service as predisposed by genetics. Our findings indicate there is a significant heritability component of serving in the military. We find a significant genetic correlation between personality traits associated with progressive political ambition and military service, suggesting that military service represents a different form of political participation to which individuals are genetically predisposed. We discuss the long-term implications of our findings for policy makers and recruiters.


Vaccines ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (3) ◽  
pp. 411 ◽  
Author(s):  
Natalie D. Collins ◽  
Anima Adhikari ◽  
Yu Yang ◽  
Robert A. Kuschner ◽  
Nicos Karasavvas ◽  
...  

Human adenoviruses (AdV) are mostly associated with minimal pathology. However, more severe respiratory tract infections and acute respiratory diseases, most often caused by AdV-4 and AdV-7, have been reported. The only licensed vaccine in the United States, live oral AdV-4 and AdV-7 vaccine, is indicated for use in the military, nearly exclusively in recruit populations. The excellent safety profile and prominent antibody response of the vaccine is well established by placebo-controlled clinical trials, while, long-term immunity of vaccination has not been studied. Serum samples collected over 6 years from subjects co-administered live oral AdV-4 and AdV-7 vaccine in 2011 were evaluated to determine the duration of the antibody response. Group geometric mean titers (GMT) at 6 years post vaccination compared to previous years evaluated were not significantly different for either AdV-4 or AdV-7 vaccine components. There were no subjects that demonstrated waning neutralization antibody (NAb) titers against AdV-4 and less than 5% of subjects against AdV-7. Interestingly, there were subjects that had a four-fold increase in NAb titers against either AdV-4 or AdV-7, at various time points post vaccination, suggesting either homotypic or heterotypic re-exposure. This investigation provided strong evidence that the live oral AdV-4 and AdV-7 vaccine induced long-term immunity to protect from AdV-4 and AdV-7 infections.


Author(s):  
Meredith Kleykamp ◽  
Ryan Kelty ◽  
David R. Segal

This chapter examines the role of military experience on positive or negative development and functioning in early adulthood. It reviews the demographic composition of the military in the United States, with attention to the diversity of those who serve. It reviews how military service influences the transition to adulthood, now serving as a pathway toward, rather than an interruption of, adulthood. It summarizes the wealth of research connecting military service to midlife outcomes, with a special focus on how military experiences may generate positive growth and resilience. Although some who serve may experience trauma, military service can also provide material and psychosocial benefits, including post-traumatic growth. Notably, the benefits of military service tend to accrue most for individuals who come from more disadvantaged backgrounds, making the military a potentially important institutional setting for a successful transition to adulthood for those who need such supports the most.


2019 ◽  
Vol 54 (2) ◽  
pp. 527-558 ◽  
Author(s):  
Geoffrey P. R. Wallace ◽  
Sophia Jordán Wallace

This article assesses how different notions of citizenship shape mass attitudes toward immigration reform. We examine the underpinnings of the military service and college education provisions that were at the center of the 2010 DREAM Act, which sought to provide a path to citizenship for undocumented immigrant youth in the United States. Employing a survey experiment on a nationally representative US sample, we unpack the extent to which the mass public is willing to support immigration reform based on criteria tied to undocumented immigrants’ educational attainment or enlistment in the armed forces. While education has little effect on its own, military service significantly increases public support for a pathway to citizenship. The positive effect of military service endures when it is paired with less popular provisions, suggesting that a military criterion can serve as a basis of support for broader immigration legislation. Moreover, the effects are strongest for those groups who are traditionally viewed as being most opposed to immigration reforms that expand access to citizenship. The results of this study have implications for public attitudes toward immigration, the persistence of the citizen-soldier ideal, and the importance of framing in the policy-making process.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 59-82
Author(s):  
Patrick Lacroix

The Treaty of Paris of 1783 brought the American War of Independence to a formal end. But all was not resolved with the return of peace to North America. Loyalists had to build new lives in Canada and elsewhere across the British empire. Similarly, Canadians who had supported and fought for the revolutionary cause were no longer welcome in their ancestral homeland. After years of hardship in the ranks of the Continental Army, they remained south of the border. Both in and out of military service, Canadian soldiers and their families held the political and the military authorities of the United States to the lofty pledges they had made in 1775–1776. In response, despite acute financial constraints, American leaders sought to honor their word. Through varied forms of compensation, policymakers aimed to uphold the moral character of the young nation and to ensure that all those who sacrificed for liberty might reap the blessings of independence.


Subject Palace politics Significance Military courts earlier this month handed down the most severe sentences thus far in lese majeste cases, sentencing two people to 30 and 28 years in prison for criticising the monarchy on Facebook. The sentence, which has drawn sharp criticism from the United States and the UN, reflects a broader trend of tighter political and legal controls by the military in the context of the monarch's declining health. Impacts Domestic consumption will suffer as long as political uncertainty regarding the return of civilian rule persists. The palace has become more partisan since 2006; this is likely to continue after the royal transition. Lese majeste prosecutions will damage US-Thai relations, but Washington will not expand sanctions.


Author(s):  
Andrew Goodhart ◽  
Jami K. Taylor

For most of its history, the U.S. military has maintained a policy of exclusion toward lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transgender (LGBT) people serving in uniform. The justifications for these exclusions have included the view that being homosexual or transgender is a psychological disorder, that it undermines military morale and effectiveness, and a fear that LGBT people would be vulnerable to foreign espionage. Explicit policies banning consensual homosexual sex—and excluding from service those who engage in it—date to the period between World Wars I and II, but de facto efforts at exclusion have existed since the early days of the republic. Regulations governing homosexuals in the military came under pressure in the 1970s and 1980s as societal views toward lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) people changed, and those LGB service members discharged under the policy increasingly challenged their treatment in court. (Public pressure to change regulations governing transgender people in the military arose mostly in the 2000s, though litigation efforts date to the 1970s.) In addition to general shifts in public and legal opinion, the debate over LGB people serving in the U.S. military was affected by the experience of foreign militaries that allow LGB people to serve. United States law began to loosen formal restrictions on LBG people serving in uniform with the passage of “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell” (DADT) in 1994, but it still required LGB people to serve in secret. Changing public perceptions of LGB people and problems implementing the ban galvanized support for eliminating such restrictions. In 2010, President Obama signed legislation repealing DADT and removing all restrictions on LGB people serving in the military. However, transgender people do not enjoy the same rights. The Trump administration has revised Obama-era rules on transgender service members to enable greater exclusion. The issue is being contested in the courts and appears ripe for further political and legal dispute.


2003 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 1-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephen Kalberg

The disagreement between Germany and the United States over thewar in Iraq was massive. During the winter of 2002, many observersspoke of a long-term rift between these longstanding allies and atotal loss of credibility on both sides. No one can doubt, regardlessof recent healing overtures,1 that the German-American partnershiphas been altered and significantly weakened. It has suffered a blowfar more damaging than those that accompanied past conflicts over,for example, Ostpolitik, the neutron bomb, the Soviet gas pipeline,the flow of high technology products to the Soviet Union, the impositionof trade sanctions in 1980 against the military government inPoland, the stationing in the late 1970s of middle-range missiles onGerman soil, and the modernization of short-range missiles in 1989.


Author(s):  
Federica Caso

Abstract After decades of refusal, neglect, and tacit admittance, the service of Indigenous people in the national armed forces of settler colonial states such as Australia, Canada, New Zealand, and the United States is finally gaining acknowledgment. Indigenous people are now integrated in the regular forces and represented in national war commemoration. This article maintains that while inclusion and recognition of Indigenous military service is a positive transformation in the direction of post-colonial reconciliation, it still operates within the logics of settler colonialism intended to eradicate Indigenous stories of connection to land and assimilate Indigenous people in settler society. Using the case study of Indigenous militarization in Australia, this article argues that, under conditions of settler colonialism, the inclusion and recognition of Indigenous people in national militaries advances the settler colonial project intended to dispossess Indigenous people from their land and assimilate them in the new settler society. It highlights that historically, military organization has supported settler colonialism, and positions the present inclusion and recognition of Indigenous people in the military as a continuation of this history.


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