The “Tidal Wave”Contained—Open Admissions

Author(s):  
David Nasaw

Through the later fifties and sixties, the California plan was adopted, with modifications, in state after state. The four-year colleges and universities were protected by a rapidly expanding network of community colleges, over 360 of which were established between 1958 and 1968. The national increase in public two-year enrollments approached 300 percent for the decade of the 1960s, close to triple that for overall higher education enrollments. In New York, two-year enrollments increased from 6 percent of total public enrollments in 1960 to nearly 50 percent in 1970. The increases in Massachusetts, New Jersey, and Connecticut were as dramatic, from 4 percent to 26 percent, 2 percent to 28 percent, and zero to 20 percent respectively. By 1976, more than one third of all college freshmen and nearly 50 percent of those in public institutions were enrolled in community colleges. Due in no small part to this rapid increase in the number and enrollment of the community colleges, higher education had come within reach of the 1947 President’s Commission recommendations: nearly one-half of the college-age population was attending some institution of higher education. As the 1973 Second Newman Report—commissioned and funded by the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare—proudly proclaimed, American higher education “by the middle 1960s began moving into . . . [an] egalitarian [period]. Increasingly the American public has assumed that everyone should have a chance at a college education.” Unfortunately for those offered that chance, the system, though opened at the bottom, remained as closed as ever on top. The new generation of students was not granted access to higher education in general but to particular institutions—the community colleges. And these colleges, though presented as transitional institutions to the four-year schools, were in fact designed to keep students away from the senior colleges. As Amitai Etzioni of Columbia University explained for the readers of the Wall Street Journal, “If we can no longer keep the floodgates closed at the admissions office, it at least seems wise to channel the general flow away from four-year colleges and toward two-year extensions of high school in the junior and community colleges.”

Author(s):  
Stacey Kim Coates ◽  
Michelle Trudgett ◽  
Susan Page

Abstract There is clear evidence that Indigenous education has changed considerably over time. Indigenous Australians' early experiences of ‘colonialised education’ included missionary schools, segregated and mixed public schooling, total exclusion and ‘modified curriculum’ specifically for Indigenous students which focused on teaching manual labour skills (as opposed to literacy and numeracy skills). The historical inequalities left a legacy of educational disparity between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Following activist movements in the 1960s, the Commonwealth Government initiated a number of reviews and forged new policy directions with the aim of achieving parity of participation and outcomes in higher education between Indigenous and non-Indigenous Australians. Further reviews in the 1980s through to the new millennium produced recommendations specifically calling for Indigenous Australians to be given equality of access to higher education; for Indigenous Australians to be employed in higher education settings; and to be included in decisions regarding higher education. This paper aims to examine the evolution of Indigenous leaders in higher education from the period when we entered the space through to now. In doing so, it will examine the key documents to explore how the landscape has changed over time, eventually leading to a number of formal reviews, culminating in the Universities Australia 2017–2020 Indigenous Strategy (Universities Australia, 2017).


Author(s):  
Mariia Bratko

This article represents the results of the scientific research of the community colleges in USA. The author traces the development of community colleges in America from their earliest days through modern times, describing the social, political, religious, and economic factors that influenced their development. The community college evolved from at least seven sources of educational innovation: community boosterism and the rise of the research university (1880s and 1890s.); the advent of universal secondary education, the professionalization of teacher education, and the vocational education movement (from the educational reforms of the Progressive Era (1900–1916); open access to higher education, and the rise of adult and continuing education and community services (were primarily post–World War II phenomena). The community college is largely a phenomenon of twentieth-century American higher education. The label applies to an array of institutions that offer six-month vocational diplomas; one- and two-year vocational, technical, and pre-professional certificates; and two-year programs of general and liberal education leading to an associate degree. Two-year colleges may be public, private, proprietary, or special purpose, although public institutions represent the majority of community colleges in the twentieth-first century. Community colleges in the United States have a considerable popularity, which is growing every year. Community colleges serve the region where were placed, usually a city and district. College students often study in various forms of education (day, evening, distance form) and have the opportunity to work during the day. A special interest of educational manager of Ukrainian colleges is paid on issues concerning governance, financing, access into higher education and cooperation with employers at community colleges.


2019 ◽  
pp. 25-52
Author(s):  
Per Olaf Aamodt ◽  
Lars Lyby

In Norway, as in all other industrialised countries, a strong expansion in higher education started in late 1950s. This was politically initiated with the aim of a better educated work-force and also broadening access to higher education socially and regionally as well as by gender. In the late 1960s a major reform was initiated in Norway to establish alternatives to universities to handle the expected growth. A new non-university, geographically spread sector was created with the clear aim of stimulating development in all corners of the country. The present chapter analyses the shifting policies for the regional roles of higher education institutions as stated in central policy documents. During the last 50 years higher education policy has been drawn between their regional roles and institutional concentration. Many colleges have been merged into a few large multi-campus institutions, leaving the impression that the aims of world-class quality and excellence have replaced the regional role. However, most of the campuses that existed before 1990 still exist within new institutional settings. The original rationale behind a geographically spread institutional structure is less visible in today’s policy, but at the same time the regional role of higher education has become broader and perhaps even more important. Back in the 1960s the objectives were mainly enrolling local students, educating the local workforce and the direct effects of the institution. This is still the case, but gradually R&D activities and innovation have become important contributions of higher education institutions.


Author(s):  
Kathleen V. Schmidt

Distance education is defined as a system that can provide access to people who – because of work commitments, personal and/or social circumstances, geographical distance or poor quality or inadequate prior learning experiences – do not have the opportunity to study full time (Badat, 2004). It is seen as a way to correct inequalities, improving access to higher education for poorer or disadvantaged students. However, though distance education is seen as a feasible approach to achieve universal access for populations that might not otherwise receive a college education this chapter argues instead that universal access is just a form of rhetoric by which cultural social class and inequities are reinforced and reproduced (Bourdieu & Passeron, 1990).


Author(s):  
Judith C. Simon ◽  
Jollean K. Sinclaire ◽  
Lloyd D. Brooks ◽  
Ronald B. Wilkes

The opportunities for students to take courses, and entire degree programs, online continue to increase, as many traditional colleges and universities have developed programs to compete with for-profit online schools that have proliferated in recent years. In 2003, The Wall Street Journal reported “an estimated 350,000 students are enrolled in fully online degree programs” (Dunham, 2003). In 2005, it was estimated that “more than 1 million students are seeking degrees entirely via the Web” (Tosto, 2005). According to Eduventures, “growth rates for online higher education greatly exceed those projected for U.S. postsecondary education overall (approximately 2%), positioning online higher education as a major growth engine” (Eduventures, 2007).


Author(s):  
Steven Brint ◽  
Jerome Karabel

In the twentieth century, Americans have increasingly looked to the schools--and, in particular, to the nation's colleges and universities--as guardians of the cherished national ideal of equality of opportunity. With the best jobs increasingly monopolized by those with higher education, the opportunity to attend college has become an integral part of the American dream of upward mobility. The two-year college--which now enrolls more than four million students in over 900 institutions--is a central expression of this dream, and its invention at the turn of the century constituted one of the great innovations in the history of American education. By offering students of limited means the opportunity to start higher education at home and to later transfer to a four-year institution, the two-year school provided a major new pathway to a college diploma--and to the nation's growing professional and managerial classes. But in the past two decades, the community college has undergone a profound change, shifting its emphasis from liberal-arts transfer courses to terminal vocational programs. Drawing on developments nationwide as well as in the specific case of Massachusetts, Steven Brint and Jerome Karabel offer a history of community colleges in America, explaining why this shift has occurred after years of student resistance and examining its implications for upward mobility. As the authors argue in this exhaustively researched and pioneering study, the junior college has always faced the contradictory task of extending a college education to the hitherto excluded, while diverting the majority of them from the nation's four-year colleges and universities. Very early on, two-year college administrators perceived vocational training for "semi-professional" work as their and their students' most secure long-term niche in the educational hierarchy. With two thirds of all community college students enrolled in vocational programs, the authors contend that the dream of education as a route to upward mobility, as well as the ideal of equal educational opportunity for all, are seriously threatened. With the growing public debate about the state of American higher education and with more than half of all first-time degree-credit students now enrolled in community colleges, a full-scale, historically grounded examination of their place in American life is long overdue. This landmark study provides such an examination, and in so doing, casts critical light on what is distinctive not only about American education, but American society itself.


Author(s):  
Don Filtzer

Like capitalist societies, the Soviet Union and the Soviet-type societies of Eastern Europe showed a high degree of social stratification and inequality. By the 1960s the rapid upward mobility of worker and peasant children in the intelligentsia and Party hierarchy had noticeably slowed, and an inherited class structure emerged. Because privileges in the Soviet Union were only weakly monetarized, and wealth could not be accumulated or inherited, privileged groups perpetuated themselves mainly through the use of internal ‘connections’ and by ensuring their offspring preferential access to higher education through which they would secure elite positions. We also see important differentiations within the workforce: urban vs. rural workers; ‘core’ workers vs. migrants; and men vs. women. China prior to the reform movement displayed a similar overall picture, with, however, some radical differences. Under Mao the gap in living standards between Party officials and ordinary workers was much more narrow than in the USSR, while the Cultural Revolution blunted attempts to ensure the reproduction of social stratification via access to higher education.


2014 ◽  
Vol 220 ◽  
pp. 1123-1130 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anning Hu

AbstractIn this commentary on the research note by Wang Xiaobing, Chengfang Liu, Linxiu Zhang, Yaojiang Shi and Scott Rozelle, “College is a rich, Han, urban, male club: research notes from a census survey of four tier one colleges in China,” I address several caveats in using the relative disparity index in assessing the extent of inequality in access to higher education. Based on these discussions, I point out the potential limitations existing in the empirical study of Wang and colleagues, and reassess the extent of disparity in college education opportunities in contemporary China using data from the 2010 Chinese General Social Survey. Although the descriptive patterns consolidate the study of Wang and colleagues, only household registration status is significantly associated with the likelihood of attending college. These findings indicate that disparities per gender, economic status, and ethnicity based on a limited number of colleges are likely to be subject to sampling errors. Finally, no interaction effects between socio-demographic factors are detected. I offer some reflections on the disproportionality approach in the research of education inequality.


2019 ◽  
Vol 55 (5) ◽  
pp. 319-324
Author(s):  
Kyeong-Hwa Kim ◽  
Joungmin Kim

In South Korea, higher education is widely available to all people. However, few people with disabilities have received a college education. In 1995, the Higher Education Special Admission for Students with Special Needs policy was implemented to promote opportunities for individuals with disabilities to have access to higher education. Since the special admission policy was implemented, an increasing number of high school students with disabilities have entered college. Research indicates that the transition from high school to higher education is not smooth for students with disabilities. Accordingly, this article discusses issues surrounding this transition for students with disabilities after briefly describing the college entrance system and policies on transitioning to higher education in South Korea.


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