The Ubiquitous Presidency and Democratic Possibility

2021 ◽  
pp. 143-164
Author(s):  
Joshua M. Scacco ◽  
Kevin Coe

This chapter considers the various implications of the ubiquitous presidency. It first explores the ubiquitous presidency as a research paradigm, making the case for new scholarship that examines how the contexts of the ubiquitous presidency intersect, that considers expanded forms of effects, that brings together different subfields of communication, and that engages with normative questions. The chapter then explores who will hold ubiquitous presidents accountable, focusing on two constitutional (Congress, the judiciary) and three extra-constitutional (networks and platforms, the press, the public) sites of accountability. The chapter concludes by thinking about the president per se. It argues for the enduring importance of presidents in changing times, and considers the fluidity of presidential legacies in this era. Ultimately, a president’s own strength of conscience is crucial in upholding the presidency and the democracy it is meant to serve.

Koneksi ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 215
Author(s):  
Wiwin Fitriyani ◽  
Ahmad Junaidi

Freedom of the Press is the right to express, disseminate ideas, organize, and so forth. Freedom of the Press is based on the provisions made by the Press Council called the Journalistic Code of Ethics. The Journalistic Code of Ethics is the professional ethics of journalists. As the party that disseminates information to the public, journalists need to practice the provisions of the Journalistic Code of Ethics which consists of 11 articles, because various news reports that journalists report should have an impact on society. Then, one of the news that received more attention from the public, namely regarding the relocation of the Indonesian capital. At that time, the news received various responses from various parties. Therefore, various media are aggressively producing news related to this, such as Liputan6.com. In this study, the Journalistic Code of Ethics analyzed with the news included article 1, 2, and 3. The purpose of this study was to determine the application of the Journalistic Code of Ethics in reporting the removal of the Indonesian Capital City on Liputan6.com. Theories used include news reporting and the Journalistic Code of Ethics. Then, for the research method used, namely quantitative content analysis using coding sheets to process, and analyze the data. The results of this study indicate Liputan6.com has implemented a Journalistic Code of Ethics, although of the 55 news samples there are still 19 news that do not meet the element of balance.Kebebasan pers merupakan hak untuk berekspresi, menyebarluaskan gagasan, dan berorganisasi. Kebebasan pers dilandasi oleh ketentuan yang dibuat Dewan Pers yang disebut Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Kode Etik Jurnalistik adalah etika profesi wartawan. Sebagai pihak yang menyebarkan informasi kepada khalayak, jurnalis perlu mempraktikan ketentuan Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang terdiri dari 11 pasal. Hal ini karena berbagai berita yang jurnalis laporkan akan memberi dampak pada masyarakat. Salah satu pemberitaan yang mendapatkan perhatian lebih dari masyarakat, yaitu mengenai pemindahan ibu kota Indonesia. Pada saat itu, kabar tersebut mendapatkan berbagai respon dari berbagai pihak. Oleh karena itu, berbagai media gencar dalam memproduksi berita terkait hal tersebut, salahsatunya Liputan6.com. Pada penelitian ini, Kode Etik Jurnalistik yang dianalisis dengan pemberitaan tersebut, antara lain pasal 1, 2, dan 3. Tujuan dari penelitian ini ialah untuk mengetahui penerapan Kode Etik Jurnalistik pada pemberitaan pemindahan Ibu Kota Indonesia di Liputan6.com. Teori yang digunakan diantaranya pemberitaan, dan Kode Etik Jurnalistik. Metode penelitian yang dipakai yakni analisis isi kuantitatif dengan memakai lembar codinguntuk mengolah, dan menganalisis datanya. Hasil dari penelitian ini menunjukan Liputan6.com sudah menerapkan Kode Etik Jurnalistik, meskipun dari 55 sampel berita masih terdapat 19 berita yang tidak memenuhi unsur keberimbangan.


MedienJournal ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 30 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 37
Author(s):  
Li Xiguang

The commercialization of meclia in China has cultivated a new journalism business model characterized with scandalization, sensationalization, exaggeration, oversimplification, highly opinionated news stories, one-sidedly reporting, fabrication and hate reporting, which have clone more harm than good to the public affairs. Today the Chinese journalists are more prey to the manipu/ation of the emotions of the audiences than being a faithful messenger for the public. Une/er such a media environment, in case of news events, particularly, during crisis, it is not the media being scared by the government. but the media itself is scaring the government into silence. The Chinese news media have grown so negative and so cynica/ that it has produced growing popular clistrust of the government and the government officials. Entering a freer but fearful commercially mediated society, the Chinese government is totally tmprepared in engaging the Chinese press effectively and has lost its ability for setting public agenda and shaping public opinions. 


Author(s):  
Flemming G. Christiansen ◽  
Jørgen A. Bojesen-Koefoed ◽  
James A. Chalmers ◽  
Finn Dalhoff ◽  
Anders Mathiesen ◽  
...  

NOTE: This article was published in a former series of GEUS Bulletin. Please use the original series name when citing this article, for example: Christiansen, F. G., Bojesen-Koefoed, J. A., Chalmers, J. A., Dalhoff, F., Mathiesen, A., Sønderholm, M., Dam, G., Gregersen, U., Marcussen, C., Nøhr-Hansen, H., Piasecki, S., Preuss, T., Pulvertaft, T. C. R., Audun Rasmussen, J., & Sheldon, E. (2001). Petroleum geological activities in West Greenland in 2000. Geology of Greenland Survey Bulletin, 189, 24-33. https://doi.org/10.34194/ggub.v189.5150 _______________ The summer of 2000 was exciting for everyone interested in the petroleum geology and exploration of West Greenland. The first offshore well in more than 20 years was drilled by the Statoil group in the Fylla licence area, and seismic acquisition activity offshore West Greenland was more intense than previous years with four new surveys being carried out (Fig. 1). Expectations were high when drilling of the Qulleq-1 well was initiated in July 2000, not only with the licensees and the authorities, but also with the public. The well was classified as highly confidential, but nevertheless all information available was closely followed by the press, especially in Greenland and Denmark, but also internationally (see Ghexis 2000). Disappointment was equally high when the press release in September 2000 reported that the well was dry. Since that time much technical work has been carried out by Statoil and its consultants (Pegrum et al. 2001) and by the Geological Survey of Denmark and Greenland (GEUS), and a more balanced view of the positive and negative surprises from the well can now be presented.


Author(s):  
Michel Noiray

This chapter explains how a uniquely long-lived canon evolved in revivals of operas by Jean-Baptiste Lully and his immediate successors—chiefly André Campra and André-Cardinal Destouches—right up to the early 1770s. The Académie Royale de Musique was unique as the only theater to resist Italian repertory, except in two brief controversial periods. A dogmatic commitment to the old style and repertory survived after Lully’s death, quite separate from the operas of Jean-Philippe Rameau. Opposition to this unique practice broke out occasionally among the public, but such opinion was not widely supported in the press. It is striking that the main critics of ancienne musique, as it was called—Rousseau, Paul Henri d’Holbach, and Friedrich Melchior von Grimm—all came from outside France. This chapter is paired with Franco Piperno’s “Italian opera and the concept of ‘canon’ in the late eighteenth century.”


2021 ◽  
Vol 246 ◽  
pp. 354-373
Author(s):  
Nicolai Volland

AbstractRed Guard newspapers and pamphlets (wenge xiaobao) were a key source for early research on the Cultural Revolution, but they have rarely been analysed in their own right. How did these publications regard their status and function within the larger information ecosystem of the People's Republic, and what is their role in the history of the modern Chinese public sphere? This article focuses on a particular subset of Red Guard papers, namely those published by radical groups within the PRC's press and publication system. These newspapers critiqued the pre-Cultural Revolution press and reflected upon the possible futures of a new, revolutionary Chinese press. Short-lived as these experiments were, they constitute a test case to re-examine the functioning of the public in a decidedly “uncivil” polity. Ultimately, they point to the ambiguous potential of the public for both consensus and conflict, liberation and repression, which characterizes the press in 20th-century China.


2021 ◽  
pp. 1-19
Author(s):  
Gerardo Serra ◽  
Morten Jerven

Abstract This article reconstructs the controversies following the release of the figures from Nigeria's 1963 population census. As the basis for the allocation of seats in the federal parliament and for the distribution of resources, the census is a valuable entry point into postcolonial Nigeria's political culture. After presenting an overview of how the Africanist literature has conceptualized the politics of population counting, the article analyses the role of the press in constructing the meaning and implications of the 1963 count. In contrast with the literature's emphasis on identification, categorization, and enumeration, our focus is on how the census results informed a broader range of visual and textual narratives. It is argued that analysing the multiple ways in which demographic sources shape debates about trust, identity, and the state in the public sphere results in a richer understanding of the politics of counting people and narrows the gap between demographic and cultural history.


Orthodoxia ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 111-124
Author(s):  
F. A. Gayda

This article deals with the political situation around the elections to the State Duma of the Russian Empire in 1912 (4th convocation). The main actors of the campaign were the government, local administration, liberal opposition and the clergy of the Orthodox Russian Church. After the 1905 revolution, the “official Church” found itself in a difficult situation. In particular, anti-Church criticism intensified sharply and was expressed now quite openly, both in the press and from the rostrum of the Duma. A consequence of these circumstances was that in this Duma campaign, for the first time in the history of Russian parliamentarianism, “administrative resources” were widely used. At the same time, the authorities failed to achieve their political objectives. The Russian clergy became actively involved in the election campaign. The government sought to use the conflict between the liberal majority in the third Duma and the clerical hierarchy. Duma members launched an active criticism of the Orthodox clergy, using Grigory Rasputin as an excuse. Even staunch conservatives spoke negatively about Rasputin. According to the results of the election campaign, the opposition was even more active in using the label “Rasputinians” against the Holy Synod and the Russian episcopate. Forty-seven persons of clerical rank were elected to the House — three fewer than in the previous Duma. As a result, the assembly of the clergy elected to the Duma decided not to form its own group, but to spread out among the factions. An active campaign in Parliament and the press not only created a certain public mood, but also provoked a political split and polarization within the clergy. The clergy themselves were generally inclined to blame the state authorities for the public isolation of the Church. The Duma election of 1912 seriously affected the attitude of the opposition and the public toward the bishopric after the February revolution of 1917.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
Tom Dwyer ◽  
Olivier Arifon

Based on literature review and interviews with journalists, we argue that the BRICS countries are constructing a collective vision, guided by logics of recognition and of transformation. The production of discourse reaches its high point during the BRICS leaders’ summits. To go beyond analysis of the discourse revealed in the media, this article examines projects, thereby aiming to qualify and label the justificatory discourses, in order to develop an understanding of intentions. The BRICS countries have become a reference point as the press increasingly makes comparisons between these countries. The notion of recognition, present in the political elites, also appears as a part of the public imagination and in the press. The leaders too seek transformation. The first official multilateral institution founded by the BRICS countries was the New Development Bank. Current efforts indicate the development of common scientific and technological research initiatives and official support for the establishment of an innovative BRICS Network University. Initiatives will appear as these countries try to consolidate their position.


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